First time I read someone calling Luga a defeat. Soltsy involved elements of one division that was part of a three division strong corps. It didn't affect the performance or advance of the remaining two divisions and it was, like all previous soviet successes, local, temporary and without major effect on the overall situation operationally or strategically.BDV wrote:
The twin german defeats of Luga-Soltsy involved the entirety of 4th Panzer army.
The Germans reached Leningrad right about on schedule as Directive 33 and its supplement directed. Directive 35 (Operation Typhoon) changed all that. Halder himself on the 5th of September wrote that Leningrad's fall was a matter of time. Imagine his surprise the next day when Hitler yet again changed objectives stripping AGN from its armour in his directive for the attack on Moscow, Directive 35.BDV wrote: At Leningrad the german defeat was their failure to take the city.
Field commanders had no control over the situation and if Kiev, a city more spread geographically with a lot more defenders easily fell how Leningrad could be so different?
Hitler had overall control and Hitler decided not to storm the city not his commanders. His armies stormed Kiev, Minsk, Dniepertovsk and Warsaw all as large and with just as complex a geography as Leningrad. His failure to storm the city was his and his alone. Facts are facts.BDV wrote:
The last statement is typical teutonic sour grapes. Soldiers used to blockade the city can be deployed somewhere else, not to mention the advantages of linking up with the finns and occupying Russia's largest port for AGN supply.
Read Frieser's book, he listed all the reasons for the halt order historians invented and debunked them one by one including Ellis's if I am not mistaken.BDV wrote:
Dunkirk was not a failure.
From "The War in France and Flanders" by L.F.Ellis:
Army Group A ceased from now on to have any responsibility for the attack on Dunkirk; Rundstedt had got his wish. He had regarded his real task as accomplished when his forces reached the coast, cut British communications and seized the channel ports. Thereafter it was his policy (confirmed by Hitler though disliked both by the Commander-in-Chief, Brauchitsch, and at first by his own subordinate commanders) to husband his armoured formations for the coming offensive southwards. and though it is clear that he missed an opportunity by not attacking the Canal Line in rear of the British Expeditionary Force before Lord Gort could move back divisions for its defence, it was a sound and soldierly policy not to use his armour afterwards for an attack on Dunkirk. As already pointed out (page 178) the beditched ground is unsuited to the use of armour. In less than a week, moreover, Rundstedt had to be ready to attack southwards over the Somme–Aisne line. There, as he believed, a major part of the French Army had still to be brought to battle. The German forces must break and defeat this army if they were to conquer France.[11] They had proved that for such a task the quick-thrusting armoured divisions were the most effective weapon, and already Rundstedt had lost nearly fifty percent of his armoured strength (page 151). To waste more in attacks on Dunkirk would have shown bad judgement.