AJFFM wrote:
In the East the Germans fought every encirclement and pocket as a matter of life and death.
This is not correct : at Stalingrad,more Germans became POW than were killed .
AJFFM wrote:
In the East the Germans fought every encirclement and pocket as a matter of life and death.
Off the top of my head 330k pocketed - 40k evacuated - 90k POW = 200k KIA. What am I missing.ljadw wrote:In the East the Germans fought every encirclement and pocket as a matter of life and death.
This is not correct : at Stalingrad,more Germans became POW than were killed .
Sorry, but no, the records show something a bit more nuanced.AJFFM wrote:As for German surrender, not so much. Records show that Germans surrendered en masse in Cotentin, Brittany, South of France and other areas when they realised their situation was hopeless. In the East the Germans fought every encirclement and pocket as a matter of life and death. So the Germans while knowing POW was not good in general it was better to be in American or British camps than a French or the most horrible Soviet option.
So morale throughout late 1943 early 1944 can scarcely be a problem.The morale of the troops taking part was astonishingly high at the start of the [WachtAmRhein] offensive. They really believed victory was possible - unlike the higher commanders, who knew the facts.
G vRundstedt
BDV wrote:Off the top of my head 330k pocketed - 40k evacuated - 90k POW = 200k KIA. What am I missing.ljadw wrote:In the East the Germans fought every encirclement and pocket as a matter of life and death.
This is not correct : at Stalingrad,more Germans became POW than were killed .
BDV wrote:Off the top of my head 330k pocketed - 40k evacuated - 90k POW = 200k KIA. What am I missing.ljadw wrote:In the East the Germans fought every encirclement and pocket as a matter of life and death.
This is not correct : at Stalingrad,more Germans became POW than were killed .
Wasn't WachtAmRhein the Ardennes offensive in December 1944?BDV wrote:So morale throughout late 1943 early 1944 can scarcely be a problem.The morale of the troops taking part was astonishingly high at the start of the [WachtAmRhein] offensive. They really believed victory was possible - unlike the higher commanders, who knew the facts.
G vRundstedt
I think you just proved my case for me. In Q3 of 44 (Bagration, Lviv-Sandomierz, Jassy, Karelia etc.) less men surrendered in the east than in the west despite a slight edge to the east in numbers for German troops (I think 45/55) yet more surrendered in the west than in the east which proves my case. In Q1 of 45 despite majority of German troops still fought in the east the numbers were nearly identical and ratio is clearly in favour of surrendering to the west.RichTO90 wrote:Sorry, but no, the records show something a bit more nuanced.AJFFM wrote:As for German surrender, not so much. Records show that Germans surrendered en masse in Cotentin, Brittany, South of France and other areas when they realised their situation was hopeless. In the East the Germans fought every encirclement and pocket as a matter of life and death. So the Germans while knowing POW was not good in general it was better to be in American or British camps than a French or the most horrible Soviet option.
In 1944 Soviets/Western Allies (NWE) captured:
1st QTR - 40,000/0
2nd QTR - 130,000/29,700
3rd QTR - 190,000/539,705
4th QTR - effectively 0/236,463
In 1945:
1st QTR - 540,000/486,623
2nd QTR (to 8 May) - 900,000/2,231,265
Much of the difference in the last quarter was caused by the Ruhr Pocket (c. 325,000) and the fact as the endgame became obvious in the last weeks indeed many sought to surrender, specifically to the Americans. Between 30 April and 7 May alone, i.e., before the formal capitulation of Nazi Germany, 561,169 German PW were recorded by 12th Army Group alone. However, the data simply doesn't indicate that the Germans happily surrendered in droves to the Western Allies while fighting on to the death for the Führer in the East before that.
But if you have some evidence to support your opinion I would be happy to see it.
German moral recovered largely due to relative successes after the fall of Paris including Market-Garden and NE of France not to mention some successes in the east too. It was winter, a condition all German units were used to after a gruelling 3 years in the east, there was much less air activity than before and the new American units were not up to par with the older more experienced ones.ChrisDR68 wrote:Wasn't WachtAmRhein the Ardennes offensive in December 1944?BDV wrote:So morale throughout late 1943 early 1944 can scarcely be a problem.The morale of the troops taking part was astonishingly high at the start of the [WachtAmRhein] offensive. They really believed victory was possible - unlike the higher commanders, who knew the facts.
G vRundstedt
I've read German morale recovered remarkably quickly after the collapse in Normandy and the Allies' rapid advance to the German border in September and October 1944.
Once The Battle Of The Bulge ended in January 1945 though German morale in the west collapsed and never recovered.
No, fraid not.AJFFM wrote:I think you just proved my case for me.
No. Ostfront strength:In Q3 of 44 (Bagration, Lviv-Sandomierz, Jassy, Karelia etc.) less men surrendered in the east than in the west despite a slight edge to the east in numbers for German troops (I think 45/55) yet more surrendered in the west than in the east which proves my case.
Or not...In Q1 of 45 despite majority of German troops still fought in the east the numbers were nearly identical and ratio is clearly in favour of surrendering to the west.
A lot of this makes sense... but none were ever likely to happen so long as Hitler was still alive. The paradox was that Hitler imbued the German people with the will to fight. In the BBC documentary series The Dark Charisma Of Adolf Hitler it's stated that his hold over his nation was akin to casting a spell. That spell was only broken when he shot himself.BDV wrote:What is the goal of 3rd Reich's struggle? The rational goal at this point is survival. I think that a good point can be made that the approach with the faintest chance of survival is multi-faceted. Military has to complement the political. Ukrainean-Galician Republic, restoration of the Baltics, lendlease-style know-how support to Japan, these all have to go in high gear in August-September '43. A special interest in maneuvers to maximize civilian casualties inflicted by Wally actions (think the Le Havre propaganda debacle) can also add to Wallies' political headaches.
Militarily, a slow withdrawal from the Norwegian outpost, in the style of Crete (if allies can be drawn into a 2nd Italy there, even better, IMO) is sensible. But the thinking about the defense doctrine is probably the most sensitive area. The main line of defense should probably be not on a big natural obstacle, but behind it.
Out of a simple research I made:RichTO90 wrote: Or not...
BTW, still waiting for your "evidence" that the Western Allies faced little or no combat after crossing the Rhine.