German Chemical Weapons

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PPoS
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German Chemical Weapons

#1

Post by PPoS » 23 May 2006, 17:01

I would like to request some information regarding the German "Grün 3" program involving nerve agents aswell as information about the plants of production and the Anorgana GmbH.

Thx

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#2

Post by PPoS » 29 May 2006, 18:03

No one has any info at all ??


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Sewer King
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#3

Post by Sewer King » 09 Sep 2006, 17:09

Hello, PPoS, I think your topic just missed those who were most knowledgeable for it. So I will have to do for the moment :D, although I have noticed something over time. You and I seem fairly interested in chemical and biological warfare.

There is a good book just recently released about modern gas warfare that covers its recent interest as a terrorist weapon. But it also adds much historical detail to what is already known about areas like the wartime German nerve gases. Unfortunately it scarcely mentions the Japanese use of gas -- that we discussed some months ago. I believe Japan was the war's largest user. At least one new author, Joel Velinsky, has written a separate book on that -- Dew of Death (Indiana University Press, 2005). That book focuses closely on Lewisite.

Otherwise I recommend that other book, below:

Tucker, Jonathan B. War of Nerves: Chemical Warfare from World War I to al-Qaida. New York: Pantheon Press, 2006.

from page 40:

"To operate the [nerve gas] plants, the IG Farben board of directors established a new subsidiary called Anorgana GmbH with RM100,000 of working capital. They named Otto Ambros as the managing director. Anorgana was secretly financed and controlled by a Wehrmacht holding company called Montan Industriewerke, and Anorgana's board of directors consisted of three representatives from Montan and three from IG Farben. The reason for this byzantine organizational structure was to protect IG Farben's financial interests and conceal the company's involvement in chemical weapons production. Over the next few weeks, IG Farben's director of construction tried to find a suitable location for the Tabun plant in a remote portion of the Reich, far from populated areas. On December 30, 1939, after scouring several options, he recommended a site near Dyhernfurth, a small town and castle on the Oder River 40 kilometers northwest of Breslau, in the eastern province of Silesia.

"Meanwhile the development of Substance 146 continued in the basement of Spandau Citadel, where the Army Gas Protection Laboratory had constructed an apparatus to synthesize small amounts for testing purposes. Army officials named the new agent "Sarin", an acronym derived from letters in the names of the four key individuals in its development: Schrader and Ambros of IG Farben and Rüdiger and Linde of the Army Ordnance Office.

"Although Schrader worked intermittently on a manufacturing process for Sarin, the Army expanded its technical staff and asserted full control over the development effort, limiting his involvement. Schrader resented being excluded and complained that the engineers at Spandau were mismanaging the process development and causing lengthy delays. He was also suspicious of the secrecy surrounding the physiological development laboratory where Dr. Wirth and his colleagues were conducting experiments with Tabun and Sarin. When Schrader traveled to Spandau periodically to advise on technical issues, he was never allowed near the medical clinic and physiological laboratory in Building 15. Mystified, he suspected that some type of illicit activity was going on there -- possibly experimentation on humans.

"On January 29, 1940, the IG Farben board of directors founded a new subsidiary called Luranil (an abbreviation of Ludwigshafen Rhein Anilin) to build the nerve agent plant at Dyhernfurth and the mustard plant at Gendorf. Meanwhile, construction of the Tabun pilot plant at Raubkammer was delayed by shortages of materials and skilled labor, and corrosion problems caused a redesign of the apparatus. As a result the pilot plant did not begin regular operation until July 1940. From then on, it manufactured a total of about fifty tons of Tabun for field trials, while providing operating experience for the full-scale production facility at Dyhernfurth.

"Because of harsh weather in Silesia during the winter months, the start of construction at Dyhernfurth was itself delayed until early spring 1941, when crews began to clear a dense tract of forest about one kilometer from the Oder River. Ninety technicians from Luranil and 120 prisoners of war worked to build the vast factory. Code-named Hochwerk, it would eventually cover ar area 1.5 kilometers long by 700 meters wide ..."

page 46-47:

"... It was a major challenge to obtain sufficient quantities of the basic ingredients needed for Tabun production, such as elemental phosphorus. Because no reserves of phosphate ore existed in the German Reich or the newly occupied territories, the mineral had to be imported from mines in North Africa. A single factory at Piesteritz in central Germany processed raw phosphate ore into elemental phosphorus, with an output of 1,000 tons per month. In addition to being used for the production of incendiary grenades and smoke bombs, phosphorus was combined with chlorine to yield phosphorus oxychloride (POCl3), the starting point for Tabun production.

"The Tabun factory contained twelve separate but parallel production units, each of which was theoretically capable of producing a metric ton of agent every twenty-four hours. A production unit consisted of a large iron reaction kettle with a volume of 1,500 gallons, lined with a special corrosion-resistant alloy named Renamit. Chemical ingredients were introduced into the kettle through a long pipe that penetrated the vapor-tight lid, and the reaction products were removed through the long pipe by injecting pressurized air into a short pipe that ended just above the surface of the mixture. The rate of the chemical reaction could be increased by heating the vessel with hot water that circulated through an external steel jacket, and slowed by cooling the solution inside the kettle with a set of immersion coils containing a chilled solution of calcium chloride.

"The process of manufacturing Tabun was essentially the same as that developed by Schrader, but scaled up to industrial volume. First the kettle was filled with the two starting materials, which took about thirty minuites. Then hot water was allowed to circulate through the metal jacket, heating the mixture inside the kettle and causing the two chemicals to react. After an hour and forty minutes the reaction reached completion, yielding an intermediate called Product 39 that was highly irritating to the eyes. In the second step, Product 39 was mixed with two additional chemicals for a period of two hours. Because this reaction generated heat, the cooling coils were used to keep the mixture at a constant temperature. Finally, the end product was drawn from the kettle into a holding tank. The raw Tabun that emerged from the kettle was an oily liquid with a dark reddish-brown hue that, when filtered to remove solid precipitates, became clear and colorless. Whereas small amounts of Tabun gave off a faint aroma of ripe fruit, large quantities had a fishy odor.

"Initially, the end product was prepared in a form called Tabun A, containing 5 percent chlorobenzene, the solvent used in its preparation. Due to the presence of impurities left over from the production process, however, Tabun A was unstable and had a limited shelf life: its toxicity declined by 5 percent over six months and 20 percent after three years. Beginning in mid-1944, Dyhernfurth began to produce a new formulation called Tabun B that contained 80 percent Tabun and 20 percent chlorobenzene. This mixture was more stable, had a longer shelf life, and evaporated more readily.

"Because of Tabun's extreme toxicity, the design of the Hochwerk facility included special features to protect the plant workers against exposure. Each kettle was housed in an enclosed operating chamber formed of two spaced glass walls. Between the glass walls, a ventilation system produced greater than atmospheric pressure, so that the flow of air was always toward the reaction kettle. Inside the operating chamber, the air above the kettle was continuously changed by means of a separate ventilating duct, creating negative pressure. This pressure differential meant that the air contaminated with Tabun fumes was retained inside the operating chamber. All pipes used to transfer solutions containing Tabun were sprayed frequently with a weak solution of ammonia and water to neutralize minor leaks. After a production run, the kettles were decontaminated with steam and ammonia.

"No technicians were allowed to enter the operating chamber while the production of Tabun was underway. Instead, the operators opened and closed valves with long-handled mechanical levers that penetrated the double glass walls through rubber-sealed gaskets. This system enabled them to control the flow of chemical ingredients to and from the reaction kettles withough being exposed to the deadly fumes. Because the rubber seals were not airtight, however, trace amounts of Tabun managed to leak out. As a result, the plant workers at Dyhernfurth were never free of the symptoms of low-level Tabun poisoning."

page 50-51:

"Dyhernfurth had its own munition-loading facility, which was built underground and equipped with ventilation shafts. Steel artillery shells and bomb casings were manufactured in a separate building and placed on conveyor belts that transported them to the filling plant. Liquid Tabun pumped from underground storage tanks was loaded into empty 105mm and 150mm artillery shells, 250-kilogram aerial bombs, and artillery rockets. Whereas a 105mm shell contained about a kilogram of nerve agent, a 250-kilogram bomb contained 80 to 85 kilograms. To compensate for Tabun's lack of volatility, the bombs contained a central burster filled with a high explosive that, detonated on impact with the ground, would shatter the liquid agent into a mist of tiny droplets, poisoning enemy soldiers through inhalation and skin contact."

And the origin of Grun-3, quoted in bold here:

"Once an aerial bomb had beeen loaded with Tabun, the filling port was closed with a plug that incorporated a tightening pin. Using a wrench, a technician applied seating pressure to the pin, causing it to shear off and leave the plug in a seated position, flush with the surface of the weapon. The sealing plug and adjacent surface were coated with a slow-drying pink lacquer that would turn a deep carmine if Tabun leaked through the plug. Near the base of the bomb or shell, workers painted three green rings around the munition to indicate its contents, along with stencilled numbers providing the date of manufacture and a code letter indicating the ratio of Tabun to chlorobenzene. In September 1942, the first 138 metric tons of Tabun-filled shells and bombs produced at Dyhernfurth were delivered to the Wehrmacht. Packed into crates, the munitions, fuses, and other components were loaded onto trucks and railway freight cars for transport to storage depots controlled by the Luftwaffe and Army.

"When serious shortages of raw materials prevented Anorgana from meeting its manufacturing targets for mustard agents at Gensdorf, the Speer ministry dcided to give priority to the production of Tabun, ensuring qualitative if not quantitative superiority over the Allies. To increase output at Dyhernfurth, the Nazi regime decided to employ forced prison labor and built a satellite of the nearby Gross-Rosen concentration camp there in early 1943. Known as Dyhernfurth I, the labor camp (Arbeitslager) initially housed some two hundred prisoners, mostly Poles, Russians, Germans, and Czechs.

"The forced laborers were assigned the most menial, backbreaking, and dangerous tasks at the Tabun plant, including construction, maintenance, and loading munitions with the liquid agent. On the filling line, they wore protective clothing similar to a deep-sea diving suit, with a helmet-like mask covering the entire head and a hose providing a limited supply of fresh air. Because of the short hose, the suit only provided limited movement. Whenever a worker needed to drink or go to the bathroom, he had to remove the mask, exposing himself to toxic fumes. As a result, the forced laborers suffered continually from the symptoms of low-level Tabun poisoning. Those exposed accidentally to a lethal dose were denied medical treatment and left to die.

"Prisoners at Dyhernfurth were also exploited for meidcal experiments involving deliberate exposure to nerve agents. Early in the war, guinea pigs and white rats were found to be inadequate for testing Tabun and Sarin, and apes were used instead because their physiological reactions were closer to those of humans. The Speer ministry purchased a colony of apes from Spain at a cost of 250,000 Swiss francs and transported them to Germany by train, but many of the animals died in transit. Given the difficulty and high cost of procuring nonhuman primates, it was decided to experiment on concentration camp inmates. At Dyhernfurth, about twenty prisoners were exposed to nerve agents for varying lengths of time in a sealed glass chamber and then examined: about a quarter suffered painful deaths during the trials. Prisoners were also misused as "human canaries" by being locked up for long periods without a gas mask in train cars or munitions depots loaded with Tabun-filled bombs or shells."

---------------------------------------

Tucker goes on to describe how British chemical officers first discovered the German nerve gas munitions, captured at the Münster-Ost munitions depot. They recognized the yellow ring on shells loaded with mustard -- but not the bombs and shells painted with three green rings.

Chemists at Britain's Porton Down establishment for CW carefully opened the three-green-ring shell and tested its fill on rabbits. Not only did the rabbits die of course, but the chemists had to work though the constriction of their eye pupils from accidental trace exposure to the Tabun. They recognized that a powerful new CW agent had been perfected; the US Army's 45th Chemical Laboratory Company agreed with their findings after their own tests.

So PPoS, I have a fairly wide library on chemical and biological warfare from which I can recommend particular areas of interest. A CIA analyst I met in the Air Force more than 20 years ago started me in this history field, particularly that of Japanese BW.
Last edited by Sewer King on 10 Sep 2006, 04:27, edited 1 time in total.

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#4

Post by PPoS » 09 Sep 2006, 17:17

Can't thank you enough Sewer King !

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#5

Post by tobi1418 » 29 Sep 2006, 22:01

I think it should be "Munster" not "Münster" . Munster-Brehlo near the famous tank museum Munster was the first place in german empire where gas ammo was manufactured and tested (since early 1915). The testing went on thru the 3.rd Reich.
Last week there was a report in discovery channel Germany 'bout a secret factory near Berlin, where SARIN was developed and approved by the IG Farben. The development was finished in late'44 but Hitler ( blinded by gas in 1918 at the western front, at WW1s end in army medical care) has forbidden to use it in warfare.
2 Years ago in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern the german ammo service has found some "Grünring" handgrenades. Those where experimental weapons. Like an egg-handgrenade the "Grünring" was made out of industrial glass and filled with Sarin under vacuum. Never used in wartime but still very dangerous.

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#6

Post by HistorianSr » 30 Sep 2006, 22:57

It is clear that the Cold War was underway before the end of World War II. The British wasted no time in testing captured nerve gas on their own servicemen in fear of the Russians. http://www.guardian.co.uk/military/stor ... 69,00.html

It would appear that American forces deployed along the Eastern European frontier would be the primary beneficiaries of this knowledge. Although I have seen photographs of hundreds of captured German artillery shells filled with nerve gas, and read reports that they were dumped into the North Sea, I wonder if that was the case.


HSr

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