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Some of the blitzkrieg principles apply equally well to armor in the defense, and where they do not an understanding of them points the way to countering them. We spoke of moment and momentum as strengths of the armored offensive. The attacker loses both these when he is unable to move forwards or sideways - in other words when he is contained. The counter is thus simply: first contain, encircling if possible; then destroy.
Unfortunately the Wehrmacht's operations feature rather few instances of well-conducted defense and these are mainly at divisional or at most corps level. Hitler's (and Goering's) repeated interventions, mostly featuring refusals to give ground laced with accusations of cowardice and treachery, prevented the field and air commanders on the Eastern Front from conducting the kind of defense which they wanted and which would surely have influenced the duration of World War II in Europe and the situation at its end.
Manteuffel's handling of the Pz.Gr.Div. Grossdeutschland at Targul Frumos (northeast of the Ploesti oilfield region) on 2 May, 1944, is one of the best examples. This battle is also of interest as the Germans' first encounter with the Soviet heavy tanks in the shape of KV85 [sic]. Schematically the ground is a horseshoe ridge with the opening facing roughly northeast and the left (west) side higher and longer than the right. There is rolling to hilly ground north of the horseshoe's opening. At the apex.of the horseshoe, above and to the south of the town of Targul Frumos, is a dominating hill on which Manteuffel set up his battle headquarters. He established both his infantry regiments, stiffened with jagdpanzers in depth and all other antitank weapons including a battery of 88mm guns, along the base of the horseshoe, with his tank reserve in depth. He deployed his reconnaissance and some tanks in the rolling ground about 8km to the north of the main position.
The Soviets advanced in strength with massive artillery support, mainly with tanks and evidently with the base of the horseshoe as their initial objective. Manteuffel's forward tanks fell back and to their left with fire and movement, drawing the enemy into the killing ground enclosed by the horseshoe and towards the southwest corner. The infantry were in concealed positions, which they had had several weeks to prepare. They lay low and allowed the Soviet tanks to pass through them, then took on the supporting infantry. The first crisis seems to have been caused by the Soviet heavy tanks thrusting down the west ridge just as the pressure on the southwest corner began to build up. Manteuffel used his tank reserve under his personal command.
Meanwhile the panzerfüsilier regiment on the right had deliberately been left entirely without tank support for over 2 hours. They were badly overrun and broken through, and the regimental headquarters had itself become involved in driving off a Soviet tank attack. Nevertheless they had held firm and succeeded in pinning down the enemy infantry. Then the Soviets, exploiting success, put in another tank attack on them.
After about 2 hours of intensive fighting, Manteuffel sensed a weakening of resolve on the part of the Soviets facing his left. Rather than counterattack at that stage, he took personal command of a company of Pzkw IVs and led his tank regiment, by now replenished, across to the right and straight into the attack off the line of march. His account says he appeared on that sector at 11.55 hrs - 5 minutes before the time he had promised the regimental commander. The tank regiment drove the Soviets right back with heavy losses.
That night he passed two companies each of Tigers and Panthers through the infantry into forward positions. These together with air support sufficed to beat off subsequent Soviet attacks. No ground had been lost; an estimated 350 Soviet tanks and SU guns were destroyed at a (claimed) exchange rate better than 20:1; and Manteulfel's force remained capable of operating effectively at its previous level.
I have dwelt on this battle because it well represents the defensive side of the blitzkrieg coin and is a model of great relevance today. The hammer-and-anvil principle was of course used to excellent effect by Montgomery in the battle of Alem Halfa though his hammer blow consisted - typically perhaps - mainly of tank fire rather than tank maneuver. Manteuffel combined this tactic with two others. One had been much employed by the Afrika Korps at lower levels - the use of an actually or apparently weak force of tanks as a bait to draw the enemy onto a screen of (in those days) antitank guns. The other was to separate the enemy tanks and infantry by allowing the enemy tanks to overrun the defending infantry in the anvil, and then to destroy both in detail.
"Easy come, easy go", runs the saying. Armored forces properly handled can gain vast areas of territory rapidly and achieve strategic success by disruption of the enemy forces. Conversely the defense against an armored offensive calls for great speed and scope of maneuver. Real estate has to be traded off for time and - paradoxically enough - space if disruption is to be avoided and containment achieved. This is the dilemma that currently faces NATO's land forces -and most of all the FRG.


The Iasi-Targul Frumos battles took place in an area designated by OKH's "Mil-Geo" Branch as the Northern Bessarabian Highland. It lay between Bessarabia and the Ukraine to the east and the Carpathian Mountains to the west and southwest. It was geographically and geologically a part of the Moldavian-Bessarabian Plateau which stretched to the Danube Delta and then to the Black Sea. High, rolling hills of 300-500 meters fell off to the east into the region of the Pruth River which ran into the Danube from the northwest to the southeast and formed the east boundary of the battle area. The Pruth normally thawed in March and was generally 60 meters wide and 1.5-2 meters deep. In the spring, some areas of the river extended to 70 meters in width while during the summer the depth of the river could decrease to 0.8 meters at low water. East of the Pruth, foothills climbed to heights of generally 200-400 meters and stretched to the Dniester River. To the west, the Sireth and Moldau Rivers cut through the highlands in their roughly northwest-southeast courses to the Danube on the west side of the battle area (145).
Several towns and cities were in the area. Iasi, a city with a population of 105,000 in 1937 (half-Jewish by "Mil-Geo's" calculations), controlled several bridges over the Pruth. Politically, Iasi was, in Soviet parlance, "an administrative-political center" and thus worthy as an objective. It also controlled east-west access to the major north-south road and rail-lines of communications leading to the Ploesti oil fields and to Bucharest, the Rumanian capital. Other smaller entities were Targul Frumos, which controlled a north-south rail and road complex, the latter designated "W-3," Botosani and Harlau, which marked the course to Targul Frumos from the northwest (146).
The soils in the area were primarily clay and sand. In dry periods, dust clouds marked the trace of military movements and resupply convoys. During rainy periods the area could become muddy and cause great difficulty in movement. In the battle area, April's late winter weather gave way to warmer, dryer days. Parts of the area were identified as malaria-prone and mosquito nets were recommended...
Information compiled in 1940 by the Cyphers (Chi) Branch of OKW in 1940 shows that a well-developed network of telephone and telegraph communications existed in Rumania. In the battle area above-ground telephone and telegraph lines went from Iasi-Podul-Sarca-Targul Frumos-Pascani (east to west) and from Targul Frumos to Roman to Barlad to Galati. Iasi had a number of communications facilities of military potential and all the above towns had switching facilities which could be used. All served as command posts during the period in question. These same centers were connected by rail-lines which had their own independent communication system as well. All were single-tracked except the line between Iasi-Podul which was double-tracked. Road maps show a limited number of main throughput roads (hauptdurchgangstrassen) with "modern surfaces;" specifically, they show the north-south road "W-3" from Chernovtsy-Botosani-Targul Frumos-Roman (and south) and the east-west Iasi-Podul-Targul Frumos in that category. The remainder of the battle area contained poor roads (149).
The immediate area around Targul Frumos (Figure 6) was described as developed by three valleys. The first was an east-west valley from Targul Frumos to the east and Iasi. This contained the rail, road, water and land-line communications previously described. South of this valley lay the higher ground which the Rumanians manned and called the "Strunga-Linie" (Line). North of Targul Frumos and its valley was a second, smaller valley which ran northwest-southeast from the area where the Germans would define their HKL to Facuti and Sarca. The third valley ran northwest-southeast from Harlau to Belcesti and Podul. The high ground which dominated these valleys tended to show their steep sides to the north. The sectors created by the valleys were the areas on which the main defenses would be formed. Aerial photographs of the period show the open areas to be heavily cultivated (150).
The region to the north of this area was favorable to the Soviets in several respects. First, it was higher providing an initial psychological boost of attacking downhill; second, the high speed approach "W-3" was along the north-south axis; third, the vegetation in the hills was conducive to the assembly and concentration of armored forces; fourth, the terrain was generally favorable for armored movement, with the exception being some of the lower-lying areas which retained moisture (151).
The Germans were favored by occupation of key terrain and preparation time. The battle area was highly compartmented against north-south movement; the hills were steep against the southerly movement of Soviet forces. Wooded areas afforded cover and concealment for indirect and some direct fire weapons. Open area provided good fields of fire out to 1000 meters. The higher areas to the north were observable from the lower defended areas. The same advantages for armored maneuver and movement were afforded to the German side (152).
The limited weather data available provides additional insights: specifically, April was wintry with some snowfall in mid-month; late-April gave way to warm, clear weather with some thawing but generally stable conditions for the soil to remain trafficable. Moonlight and ambient light at the time of the principal engagements was adequate for rifle fire at 0400 hours 1ocal time. Aerial and ground photographs and personal accounts all conform to this picture. The days were warm and clear, suitable for air and ground reconnaissance and for the extensive command reconnaissance prior to the engagement reported by the German participants (153).


charlie don't surf wrote: At the end of May 1944, the Soviets launched an attack on Targu-Frumos (40 km west of Iasi), in the sector of the Romanian 4th Infantry Division and of the Guard Division. It was repulsed with difficulty with the help of the German "Grossdeutschland" Division and 24th Armoured Division and of the Romanian 18th Mountain Division. The defensive line was stabilized and, until 19 August, the situation on the Moldavian front was calm. There were only small engagements. In these actions the Romanian Army suffered 10,784 casualties, from June to August.
from: http://www.wwii.home.ro/last.htm





I had refused to mix them with my force and took the risk -- I spoke of the employment of the Rumanians thus -- on myself of leaving them an independent positional sector. A Soviet attack, if it fell directly on them, would still have to continue through the area around Targul Frumos. I was confident of being able to encircle it there at the latest with elements of my Division -- which is exactly how it came and what happened.

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