Einsatzgruppen Officers

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Schmauser
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Einsatzgruppen Officers

#1

Post by Schmauser » 22 Nov 2002, 00:14

Can anyone give me biographical data on the following ss men...

HUBERT-ACHAMER PIFFRÄDER
JOSEF AUINGER
BERNHARD BAATZ
GERHARD BAST
RUDOLF BATZ
HORST BEMMANN
ERNST BIBERSTEIN
WALTHER BIERKAMP
PAUL BLOBEL
WILHELM BLUEHM
WALTER BLUME
WILHELM BOCK
HANS-JOACHIM BOEHME
HORST-ALWIN BOEHME
OTTO BRADFISCH
FRITZ BRAUNE
WERNER BRAUNE
REINHARD BREDER
FRIEDRICH BUCHARDT
THEODOR CHRISTENSEN
KURT CHRISTMANN
ERICH EHRLINGER
LOTHAR FENDLER
ALFRED FILBERT
WILHELM FUCHS
KURT GOERCKE
KURT GRAAF
HANS GRAALFS
MATHIAS GRAF
BERNHARD GRAFHORST
AUGUST HÄFNER
LUDWIG HAHN
JOACHIM HAMANN
WALTER HÄNSCH
KARL-ARTHUR HARDER
HANS HARMS
EMIL HAUSMANN
KARL HENNICKE
WERNER HERSMANN
WALTER HOFFMANN
HERMANN HUBIG
ERICH ISSELHORST
KARL JÄGER
EDUARD JEDAMZIK
HEINZ JOST
WALDEMAR KLINGELHOEFER
ERICH KOERTING
WALDEMAR KRAUSE
HANS KRIEGER
ERHARD KROEGER
WALTER KRUMME
RUDOLF LANGE
HANS LEETSCH
FRANZ LEUCTHALER
HELMUT LOOSS
KURT MATSCHKE
FRITZ MAUER
AUGUST MEIER
ROBERT MOEHR
BRUNO MUELLER
ERICH MUELLER
ERICH NAUMANN
ARTHUR NEBE
GUSTAV NOSSKE
OTTO OHLENDORF
ADOLF OTT
FRIEDRICH PANZIGER
MANFRED PECHAU
ALOIS PERSTERER
OSWALD POCHE
KARL-GEORG RABE
WALDEMAR VON RADETZKY
ALBERT RAPP
OTTO RASCH
WALTER RAUFF
GUNTHER RAUSCH
ALFRED RENDOERFFER
HEINZ RICHTER
FELIX RUEHL
MARTIN SANDBERGER
OSWALD SCHÄFER
HANS-GERHARD SCHINDHELM
FRIEDRICH SCHMIDT
ERNST SCHMUECKER
KARL-EBERHARD SCHOENGARTH
HEINZ SCHUBERT
PAUL SCHULTZ
ERWIN SCHULZ
HEINZ SEETZEN
WILLY SEIBERT
FRANZ SIX
WALTER STAHLECKER
EUGEN STEIMLE
EDUARD STRAUCH
FRIEDRICH SUEHR
MAX THOMAS
KARL TSCHIERSCHKY
HANS UNGLAUBE
ERWIN WEINMANN
WILHELM WIEBENS
PAUL ZAPP
FRANZ ZIPPERLING

Thanks in Advance

~Regards Schmauser

Phil Nix
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EK officers

#2

Post by Phil Nix » 22 Nov 2002, 12:14

Hi
Can I suggest you E-Mail me direct as I could send photocopies of Bios of some of the men you list. It would be a lot of work to type the bios. I believe you are in Wales and I am in Birmingham so it would not cost much for me to send to you
E-Mail me at [email protected]
Phil


Peter
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EK/EGr officers

#3

Post by Peter » 25 Nov 2002, 21:11

I'd recommend you try "The Field Men" (French L MacLean, Schiffer Military) which I think has details of every officer you name and photos of some of them.
Cheers
Peter

David Thompson
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#4

Post by David Thompson » 26 Nov 2002, 08:02

Achamer-Pifrader, Dr. jur. Hubert or Humbert (20.11.1900-25.4.1945) [SS-Oberführer] -- b. Teplitz-Schoenau; NSDAP: 614104 (joined 10 Nov 1931); SS: 275750 (joined 3 Sept 1935); WWI veteran; commander, Action Group A (Einsatzgruppe A) 10 Sept 1942-4 Sept 1943; service, German Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst - SD) at Wiesbaden; service, SD Stettin {KIA in air raid on Linz, Austria 25 Apr 1945 (Field Men p. 36; ABR-Einsatzgruppe).}

Auinger, Dr. Josef (1.12.1897-?) [SS-Obersturmbannfuehrer] -- b. Enzendorf; NSDAP: 6149119 (joined 1 Jun 1933); SS: 342812 (joined 1 Apr 1934); WWI veteran (as POW in Russia); police service; deputy commander, Sonderkommando 7b 1942; service, German Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst - SD) at Vienna; service, SD Budapest (Field Men p. 37)

Baatz, Bernhard (19.11.1910-?) [SS-Obersturmbannfuehrer] -- b. Doernitz; NSDAP: 941790 (joined 1 Mar 1932); SS: 46414 (joined 1 Jul 1932); commander, Einsatzkommando 1a 1 Aug 1943-15 Oct 1944; service, Reich Security Main Office (Reichssicherheitshauptampt - RSHA), Amt IV-D; service, German Security Police (Sicherheitspolizei - Sipo), Sudetenland (Field Men p. 38)

Bast, Dr. jur. Gerhard (12.1.1911-1947) [SS-Sturmbannfuehrer] -- b. Gottschen; NSDAP: 612972 (joined 30 Oct 1931); SS: 23064; commander, Einsatzkommando 11a July (or Nov) 1942-Dec 1942 (or May 1943); commander, Sonderkommando 7a Jun-Nov 1944; service, Einsatzkommando H{reportedly robbed and murdered in 1947 (Field Men p. 38).}

Batz, Dr. jur. Rudolf (10.11.1903-1961) [SS-Standartenfuehrer] -- b. Langensalza; NSDAP: 2955905 (joined 1 May 1933); SS: 272458; commander, Einsatzkommando 2 1 Jun -4 Nov 1941; commander, German Security Police (Sicherheitspolizei - Sipo), Den Haag (the Hague); service, SD Cracow {suicide 1961 (Field Men p. 39).}

Biberstein aka Szymanowski, Ernst Emil Heinrich (15.2.1899-?) [SS-Sturmbannführer] – b. Hilchenbach; NSDAP: 40718 (joined 19 Jul 126); SS: 272692 (joined 13 Sept 1936); former Lutheran minister; commander, 6th Action Command (Einsatzkommando 6) Sept 1942-May 1943; service, economic office Trieste {arrested and put on trial by an American military tribunal at Nuremberg on charges of ordering and participating in mass shootings of Jewish civilians in the Soviet Union (the "Einsatzgruppe case"); convicted 10 Apr 1948 and sentenced to death by hanging (NYT 11 Apr 1948:9:1; LT 12 Apr 1948:4f); sentence commuted in 1951 to life imprisonment by US High Commissioner for Germany John J. McCloy, on recommendation of the Clemency Board; release from American confinement announced 9 May 1958 (NYT 10 May 1958:3:7). (Holo Ency 1792-1793).
The judgment of the American military tribunal which sentenced Biberstein to death was:
"Ernst Emil Heinrich Biberstein was originally named Szymanowsky. This striking change in name was no more extraordinary than the change in his profession. From clergyman in the Lutheran Protestant church in Kating, Schleswig-Holstein, he went to a chiefship in the Gestapo in Oppeln, Germany, in the meantime having renounced the church and his ecclesiastical garb. In August 1935 he entered the Reich Ministry for Church Affairs and in May 1936 was promoted to Oberregierungsrat in the State service. He served in the Wehrmacht from March 10, 1940 until October 20, 1940, when he became Chief of Gestapo at Oppeln. In the meantime, he had become SS-Sturmbannfuehrer and as such went to Russia as Chief of Einsatzkommando 6 (6th Action Command) under Einsatzgruppe C (Action Group C). He served in this capacity from September 1942 until June 1943. On June 25, 1947, at Edselheide, Germary, Biberstein declared in a sworn statement that his kommando (command) during the time he was its chief killed from 2000 to 3000 people. In Nuremberg he twice repeated these figures under oath. At the trial he sought to repudiate the total, saying that the interrogator, on the three different occasions, had insisted that he name a figure and that a discrepancy of one thousand more or less did not matter. It was then put to him that allowing for a margin of one thousand he had still admitted to from one to two thousand killings. He refused, however, at the trial, to name any figure.
Although he repudiated the totals, he did not attempt to deny that he had witnessed two executions, the precise details of which he had described in his three pre-trial declarations. In his affidavit of July 2, 1947, he related:
"I personally superintended an execution in Rostow which was performed by means of a gas truck. The persons destined for death -- after their money and valuables (sometimes the clothes also) had been taken from them -- were loaded into the gas truck which held between 50 and 60 people, The truck was then driven to a place outside the town where members of my kommando had already dug a mass-grave. I have seen myself the unloading of the dead bodies, their faces were in no way distorted, death came to these people without any outward signs of spasms. There was no physician present at unloading to certify that the people were really dead."
"I have also witnessed an execution carried out with firearms. The persons to be executed had to kneel down on the edge of' a grave and members of my kommando shot them in the back of the neck with an automatic pistol. The persons thus killed mostly dropped straight into the pit. I had no special expert for these shots in the neck. No physician was present either at this form of execution."
At the trial he explained that he witnessed these executions only because the Chief of the Einsatzgruppe wished him to experience the sensation of watching an execution so that he might know how he would feel about a spectacle of that kind.
"Q. You didn't know that before you witnessed the execution that you would have a feeling of revulsion against the execution. You didn't feel that before you actually witnessed the execution?
A. Of course not, Your Honor, for, before, I had never seen an execution.
Q. So you had to see an execution in order to know that it offended against your sentiments?
A. Yes, I had to see what kind of an effect this would have on me."
The defendant denied having executed, any Jews and in substantiation of this assertion he advanced various explanations:
(1) that Thomas, the Einsatzgruppe chief, was aware of his religious background and therefore wished to spare him his feelings;
(2) that there were no Jews in his territory anyway;
(3) that he did not know of the Fuehrer-Order.
The defendant carried this third incredible proposal to the point where he declared that although he had led an einsatzkommando in Russia for 9 months, he did not learn of the Fuehrer-Order until he reached Nuremberg. In fact he states that the very first time the Order ever came to his attention was when it was talked about in the court room and its contents shocked him considerably. Many of the defendants in seeking to justify killings have pronounced the word "investigation" with a certain self-assurance which proclaimed that so long as they "investigated" a man before shooting him they had fulfilled every requirement of the law and could face the world with an untroubled conscience.
But an investigation can, of course, be useless unless proof of innocence of crime releases the detainee. Investigating a man and concluding he is a Jew or
Communist functionary or suspected functionary gives no warrant in law or in morals to shoot, him. Biberstein claims that all executees of his kommando were given a proper investigation and killed only in accordance with law. Can this statement be believed? In testing Biberstein's credibility he was questioned regarding his work as a Gestapo Chief. His answers to the questions put to him shed some light on, the extent to which Biberstein can be believed in his wholesale denials:
"Q. Suppose that you learned that in the town of Oppeln there was, let us say, a Hans Smith, who made a declaration to the effect that he hoped that Germany would lose the war because it was an unjust war that she was waging, what would you do?
A. I would have asked the man to come to me and would have told him to hold on to his own views and keep them to himself and just would have warned him."
* * * * *
"Q. You are on your way home one evening from the office and someone comes up to you and tells you that he overheard Hans Smith inveigh against the German Army, the German Government, Hitler and the whole National Socialist regime.....what do you do?
A. Nobody would have done this, I don't think.
Q. Well, let us suppose someone did. Peculiar things happen.
A. I would have told him, 'Don't talk about it. Keep it to yourself, keep it quiet'."
* * * * *
"Q. Well, let's go a little further. This man who stops you on your way home, says 'By the way, I just found out that there is a plot on here to kill Hitler. I heard the men talking about this; I know the house in which they gather; I saw some bombs being taken into the house and I want you to know about this, Herr Biberstein.' What would you do?
A. I would have told him, 'Go to Official So-and-So and report it to him'.
Q. And you would have done nothing?
A. Why what could I have done? I didn't know what to do. I had no police directives."
In a further denial that he ordered executions Biberstein said that a pastor has the task "to help souls but never to judge". Biberstein was no longer a pastor, professionally, spiritually or intellectually. He had already denounced his church and his religion and when asked why he did not offer religious comfort to those who were about to be killed under his orders and in his presence, he said that he could not cast "pearls before swine".
But despite his never swerving determination to avoid an incriminating answer, truth in an unguarded moment emerged and Biberstein confessed to murder from the witness stand. He steadfastly had maintained that every execution had been preceded by an investigation. As chief of the kommando which conducted the executions, his was the responsibility to be certain that these investigations revealed guilt. However if conceivably he could-- although in law and in fact he could not-- but even if arguendo he could be excused from responsibility for the death of those who were executed outside his presence, he could not escape responsibility for the death of those killed before his eyes. With regard to the two executions which he witnessed (one by gas van and the other by shooting), he testified that the first involved some 50 people and the second about l5. He was questioned as to whether investigations had been made to determine guilt or innocence of these 65 executees. He replied:
"I did not see the files of these 65 cases. I only know that men of the kommando had received orders ever since the time of my predecessor to investigate the cases."
The interrogation continued:
"Q. You do not know of your own knowledge that these cases were investigated? These 65 deaths?
A.. I did not see it.
Q. No. So, therefore, you permitted 65 people to go to their deaths without knowing yourself whether they were guilty or not?
A. I said that I only made spot checks.
Q. Did you make any spot checks in these 65
A. Not among these 65.
Q. Then we come back to the conclusion that you permitted 65 people to go to their death without even a spot check?
A. Without having made a spot check, yes."
It is, therefore, evident that in this instance alone Biberstein is guilty of murder in ordering the death of 65 persons and supervising their very executions without evidence of guilt.
The Tribunal finds from all the evidence in the case that Sonderkommando 6, during the time that Biberstein was its chief, accomplished mass murder. It finds further that as its chief, Biberstein was responsible for these murders. The Tribunal finds from the entire record that the defendant is guilty under Counts I and II of the Indictment.
It finds further that he was a member of the criminal organizations SS, SD, and Gestapo under the conditions defined be the Judgment of the International Military Tribunal and, therefore, is guilty under Count III of the Indictment." (Musmanno, Michael A., U.S.N.R, Military Tribunal II, Case 9: Opinion and Judgment of the Tribunal. Nuremberg: Palace of Justice. 8 April 1948. pp. 171-176 (original mimeographed copy); http://www.einsatzgruppenarchives.com/t ... stein.html).}

Bierkamp, Dr. jur. Walter (17.12.1901-16.4.1945) [SS-Brigadeführer und Generalmajor der Polizei] -- b. Hamburg; NSDAP: 1408449 (joined 1 Dec 1932); SS: 310172 (joined 1 Apr 1939); service with the Bahrenfeld Free Corps (Freikorps Bahrenfeld) 1919-1921; lawyer with Hamburg Provincial Court (Landesgericht Hamburg) 1928-1937; joined NSDAP 1 Dec 1932; joined SS 1 Apr 1939; chief of the Criminal Police office at Hamburg (Chef Kripo-Leitstelle Hamburg) Feb 1937-Feb 1941; service with the German Security Service Main Office of the Reich Security Main Office (SD-Hauptamt/RSHA) 1 Apr 1939-16 Apr 1945; Inspection of the German Security Police and Security Service (Inspekteur der Sipo und des SD [IdS]), Düsseldorf) at Duesseldorf 15 Feb 1941-16 Apr 1942; commander of the German Security Police and Security Service for Belgium and northern France (Befehlshaber der Sipo und des SD “Belgien-Nordfrankfreich”) at Paris Sept 1941-Apr 1942; commander of Action Group D (Kdr. Einsatzgruppe D) in the Crimea and Ukraine 30 Jun 1942-May 1943; commander, Battle Group Bierkamp (Kampfgruppe “Bierkamp”) May-15 Jun 1943; commander of the German Security Police and Security Service for Cracow (Befehlshaber der Sipo und des SD (BdS) “Krakau”) Jun 1943-Feb 1945; commander of the German Security Police and Security Service “Southwest” (Befehlshaber der Sipo und des SD “Südwest”) at Stuttgart Jan-Mar 1945; deputy Senior SS and Police Commander “Southeast” (Stellvertreter HSSPF “Südost”) at Stuttgart Feb 1945; acting Senior SS and Police Commander “Southeast” (HSSPF “Südost”) at Stuttgart 20 Feb-17 Mar 1945 {KIA at Hamburg 16 Apr 1945 (Allgemeine-SS p. 31; Field Men p. 41; ABR-Einsatzgruppen).}

Blobel, Paul (13.8.1894-7.6.1951) [SS-Standartenführer] – b. Potsdam; NSDAP-Nr.: 844662 (joined 1 Dec 1931); SS: 29100 (joined 1 Dec 1931); WWI veteran; joined NSDAP 1931; service, Security Service Duesseldorf (Sicherheitsdienst - SD Düsseldorf); chief of the Security Service district office at Salzburg (Chef SD-Leitabschnitt Salzburg); commander, Special Command 4a of Action Group C (Kdr. Sonderkommando 4a/Einsatzgruppe C) Jun 1941-Jan 1942; commander, 1005th Special Command (Kdr. Sonderkommando 1005) Jul 1942-Jul 1944; commander, Action Group "Iltis" (Kdr. Einsatzgruppe "Iltis") in antipartisan operations in the Balkans 1944 {arrested and put on trial by an American military tribunal (the "Einsatzgruppe case") on charges of ordering and participating in the mass execution of Jewish civilians and Soviet functionaries; convicted of war crimes 10 Apr 1948 and sentenced to death by hanging (NYT 11 Apr 1948:9:1); clemency refused 31 Jan 1951 by US armed forces commander in Europe General Thomas T. Handy (NYT 1 Feb 1951:1:2); executed at Landsberg-am-Lech prison 7 Jun 1951 (NYT 7 Jun 1951:1:7; LT 8 Jun 1951:6d; Encyclopedia of the Third Reich p. 90; Field Men p. 42; ABR-SS).
The American military tribunal which condemned Blobel to death rendered this judgment:
"It was the contention of the Prosecution that SS-Colonel Paul Blobel commanded Sonderkommando 4a [Special Command 4a] from June 1941 to January 1942, and in that capacity is responsible for the killing of 60,000 people. Defense Counsel, in his final plea, argued that the maximum number of persons executed by Sonderkommando 4a cannot have exceeded 10,000 to 15,000 which in itself, it must be admitted, would anywhere else be regarded as a massacre of some proportions, except in the annals of the Einsatzgruppen.
Defense Counsel maintains that the reports which chronicle the 60,000 killings are subject to error. He points out first that the reports are not under oath. This overlooks the fundamental fact that the reports are strictly military documents and that every soldier who collects, transmits and receives reports is under oath. He then states that the reports were compiled and issued by an office unfamiliar with the subject covered in the reports. But this is to say that a military headquarters is stranger to its own organization. But the crowning objection to the reliability of the reports is the conjecture that possibly the headquarters did not have a map with which to check the locations!
Then, if the reports are assumed to be correct, it is argued that the defendant was under the jurisdiction of the Army, coming directly under the orders of Field Marshal von Reichenau of AOK 6 [6th Army High Command]. The Tribunal has already spoken on the defense of Superior Orders. But Blobel asserts that the persons executed by his kommando were investigated and tried, and that Field Marshal von Reichenau had reviewed every case. There is nothing in Blobel's record which would suggest that his bare statement would be sufficient to authenticate a proposition which, on its face, is unbelievable. It is enough to refer to the massacre at Kiev where 33,771 Jews were executed in two days immediately after an alleged incendiary fire, to disprove Blobel's utterance in this regard. Incidentally Blobel, whose kommando took an active part in this mass killing, said that the number reported was too high. "In my opinion," he states, "not more than half of the mentioned figure were shot." The defendant stated further that all his shootings were done in accordance with International Law. He testified:
"Executions of agents, partisans, saboteurs, suspicious people, indulging in espionage and sabotage, and those who were of a detrimental effect to the German Army, were, in my opinion, completely in accordance with the Hague Convention."
(Emphasis supplied)
Sixteen separate reports directly implicate Blobel's kommando in mass murder, many of them referring to him by name. Report No. 143 declares that as of November 9, 1941, Sonderkommando 4a had executed 37,243 persons. Report No. 132, dated November 12, 1941, tells of the execution of Jews and prisoners of war by Blobel's sonderkommando. Report No. 156 declares that as of November 30, 1941, Sonderkommando 4a had shot 59, 018 persons.
In his final plea for the defendant, Defense Counsel offers the explanation why Blobel became involved in the business just related. He said that in 1924 Blobel began the practice of his profession, that of a free-lance architect. By untiring efforts he became successful, and at last he realized his dream of owning his own home. The came the economic crisis of 1928-29. "The solid existence for which he had fought and worked untiringly was smashed by the general economic collapse." He could get no new orders, his savings disappeared, he could not pay the mortgage on his house, which he had previously stated he owned. Paul Blobel was, as his counsel tells us, "down to his last shirt." The defendant was seized by the force of the quarrels between major political parties, and his counsel sums it up:
"This situation alone makes the subsequent behavior of the defendant Blobel comprehensible."
But this hardly explains to law and humanity why a general economic depression which affected the whole world justified the defendant's going into Russia to slay tens of thousands of human beings and the blowing up their bodies with dynamite.
The defendant joined the SA, SS and NSDAP, not, he explains, because he believed in the ideology of National Socialism, but to improve his economic condition. In 1935 he received an order as architect to furnish the office of the SS in Dusseldorf. Despite the miraculous prosperity promised by National Socialism, the defendant in 1935 still found himself in distress and so he thus decided to take up Nazi work seriously and became clothed again. He would give his entire time to National Socialism.
He was now working for the SD collecting news from all spheres of life in ascertaining public opinion. Defense Counsel states that Blobel tried to withdraw from the SD prior to the outbreak of World War II, but later contradicts this with the statement that "up to 1939 there was no reason for him to withdraw from his activities with the SD and to turn his back upon this organization."
In June 1941 Blobel was called from Dusseldorf to Berlin, took charge of Sonderkommando 4a and marched into Russia. In one operation his kommando killed so many people that it could collect 137 trucks full of clothes. Blobel's attitude on murder in general was well exemplified by his reaction to the question as to whether he believed that the killing of 1,160 Jews in the retaliation for the killing of 10 German soldiers was justified. His words follow:
"116 Jews for one German? I don't know. I am not a militarist, you see. One can only judge it from one's own human ideas. If they are enemies and if they are equal enemies the question would have to be discussed whether one to 116 is a justified ratio of retaliation."
The defendant Blobel, like every other defendant, has been given every opportunity to defend himself against serious charges advanced by the Prosecution.
The Tribunal finds from all the evidence in the case that the defendant is guilty under counts I and II of the Indictment.
The Tribunal also finds that the defendant was a member of the criminal organizations SS and SD under the conditions defined by the Judgment of the International Military Tribunal and is, therefore, guilty under Count II of the Indictment."
(Musmanno, Michael A., U.S.N.R, Military Tribunal II, Case 9: Opinion and Judgment of the Tribunal. Nuremberg: Palace of Justice. 8 April 1948. pp. 151-155 (original mimeographed copy), http://www.einsatzgruppenarchives.com/t ... lobel.html).}
Last edited by David Thompson on 31 Aug 2003, 21:54, edited 1 time in total.

User avatar
Schmauser
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Location: UK

#5

Post by Schmauser » 26 Nov 2002, 15:20

Thanks Philmil & David,

Philmil i will e-mail you very soon, i've been very busy lately what with christmas coming, thanks again :)

~Regards Schmauser

David Thompson
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#6

Post by David Thompson » 27 Nov 2002, 03:53

Blume, Dr. jur. Walter (23.7.1906-?) [SS-Standartenführer] – b. Dortmund; NSDAP: 3282505 (joined 1 May 1933); SS: 267224 (joined 11 Apr 1934); commander, Special Command 7a (Sonderkommando 7a) Jun-Sept 1941; commander, German Security Police and Security Service (Sicherheitspolizei und Sicherheitsdienst - Sipo/SD) Greece; commander, German Security Service (SD) Duesseldorf {arrested and put on trial by an American military tribunal at Nuremberg on charges of ordering and participating in mass shootings of Jewish civilians in the Soviet Union (the "Einsatzgruppe case"); convicted 10 Apr 1948 and sentenced to death by hanging (NYT 11 Apr 1948:9:1); commuted in 1951 to life imprisonment by US High Commissioner for Germany John J. McCloy, on recommendation of the Clemency Board; released 1953 (Holo Ency 1792-1793; Field Men p. 42); $4 million in dental gold, ingots, and jewelry as well as identity documents and Gestapo promotion records of Dr. Walter Blume discovered in estate of pawnbroker and suspected relative Albert "Willi" Blume (?-1983) at Sao Paolo, Brazil in 1997 (NYT 23 Sept 1997:1:2).
The American military tribunal which sentenced Blume to death rendered this judgment:
"SS-Colonel Blume obtained his Doctor's Degree in Law at the University of Erlangen. He later served with the Prussian Secret State Police. In May of 1941 he was called to Dueben where he was given command of Sonderkommando 7a and instructions on the task of exterminating Jews. This unit formed part of Einsatzgruppe B which in the execution of the Fuehrer-Order killed Jews, Communists and alleged asocials in no inconsiderable numbers. Blume states that he left his kommando on August 15 or 17, 1941. The defendant Steimle stated that Blume remained with the kommando until September 1941. Report No. 73, dated September 4, 1941, credited Vorkommando 7a with 996 killings as of August 20. Even if Blume's assertion as to the date of his leaving the assignment were correct, that would only mean that he cannot be charged with that proportion of the 996 murders which occurred during the last 3 or 5 days of this period; and even this only under the additional assumption that prior to his departure he had not given orders which were executed within those 3 or 5 days.
Report No. 11, dated July 3, 1941 states that Blume's kommando liquidated "officials of the Konsomol (Communistic Organization) and Jewish officials of the Communist Party".
Report No. 34, dated July 26, 1941 speaks of the incident already described in the General Opinion--the killing of the 27 Jews who, not having reported for work, were shot down in the streets. This happened in the territory under Blume's jurisdiction. Blume admits having witnessed and conducted executions. He states that he was opposed to the Fuehrer-Order and that he made every effort to avoid putting it into effect. But the facts do not support this assertion. From time to time during this trial various defendants have stated that certain reports were incorrect, that the figures were exaggerated, even falsified. Yet, when Blume was asked why, since he was so morally opposed to the Fuehrer-Order, he did not avoid compliance with the order by reporting that he had killed Jews, even though he had not, he replied that he did not consider it worthy of himself to lie.
Thus, his sense of honor as to statistical correctness surpassed his revulsion about cold bloodedly shooting down innocent people. In spite of this reasoning on the witness stand he submitted an affidavit in which it appears he did not have scruples against lying when stationed in Athens, Greece. In this affidavit he states that the Kriminal-Kommissar ordered him to shoot English commando troops engaged in Greek partisan activity. Since Blume was inwardly opposed to the kommissar decree as he pointed out, he suggested to his superior that the order to kill these Englishmen could be circumvented by omitting from the report the fact that the Englishmen were carrying civilian clothes with them. Although Blume insisted at the trial that the Fuehrer-Order filled him with revulsion, yet he announced to the firing squad after each shooting of ten victims:
"As such, it is no job for German men and soldiers to shoot defenseless people but the Fuehrer has ordered these shootings because he is convinced that these men otherwise would shoot at us as partisans or would shoot at our comrades, and our women and children were also to be protected if we undertake these executions. This we would have to remember when we carried out this order."
It is to be noted here that Blume does not say that the victims had committed any crime or had shot at anybody, but that the F'uehrer had said that he, the Fuehrer, was convinced that these people "would shoot" at them, their women and children, 2,000 miles away. In other words, the victims were to be killed because of the possibility that they might at some time be of some danger to the F'uehrer and the executioners. Blume says that he made this speech to ease the feelings of the men, but in effect he was convincing them that it was entirely proper to kill innocent and defenseless human beings. If he was not in accord with the order, he at least could have refrained from propagandizing his men on its justness and reasonableness, an exhortation which could well have persuaded them into a zestful performance of other executions which might otherwise have been avoided or less completely fulfilled.
Blume's claims about revulsion to the Fuehrer-Order are not borne out by his statement:
"I was also fully convinced and am so even now, that Jewry in Soviet Russia played an important part, and still does play an important part, and it has the especial support of Bolshevistic dictatorship, and still is." While tarrying in the town of Wilna with his kommando, Blume instructed the local commander to arrest all Jews and confine them to a ghetto. Since the local commander of Wilna was not Blume's subordinate, Blume was not called upon to issue the order for the incarceration of the Jews which only brought them one step closer to execution under the Fuehrer-Order. Blume's explanation that he hoped the Fuehrer-Order might be recalled is scarcely adequate. He could have done nothing. Duty did not require him to incarcerate these Jews. When the defendant stated that he had ordered the execution of three men charged with having asked the farmers not to bring in the harvest he was asked whether such an execution was not contrary to the rules of war:
"Q. Are you familiar with the rules of war?
A. In this case I acted by carrying out the Fuehrer-Order which decreed that saboteurs and functionaries were to be shot.
Q. Did you regard a person who told a farmer not to assist the Nazi invaders as a saboteur, because he refused to help the Nazis and that was worthy of the death sentence which you invoked?
A. Yes.
Q. Are you familiar with the rules of war?
A. I already stated that for me the directive was the Feuhrer-Order. That was my war law."
The defendant stated several times that he was aware of the fact that he was shooting innocent people and admitted the shooting of 200 people by his kommando.
Blume is a man of education. He is a graduate lawyer. He joined the NSDAP voluntarily, swore allegiance to Hitler voluntarily and became director of a section of the Gestapo voluntarily. He states that he admired, adored and worshipped Hitler because Hitler was successful not only in the domestic rehabilitation of Germany, as Blume interpreted it, but successful in defeating Poland, France, Belgium, Holland, Norway, Yugoslavia, Greece, Luxembourg and other countries. To Blume these successes were evidence of great virtue in Hitler. Blume is of the notion that Adolf Hitler "had a great mission for the German people".
In spite of his declared reluctance to approve the Fuehrer-Order he would not go so far as to say that this order which brought about the indiscriminate killing of men, women and children, constituted murder and the reason for the explanation was that Hitler had issued the order and Hitler, of course, could not commit a crime. In fact Blume's great sense of guilt today is not that he brought about the death of innocent people but that he could not execute the Fuehrer-Order to its limit:
"Q. We understood you to say that you had a bad conscience for only executing part of the order. Does that mean that you regretted that you had not obeyed entirely the Fuehrer-Order?
A. Yes. This feeling of guilt was within me. The feeling of guilt about the fact that I, as an individual, was not able, and considered it impossible, to follow a Fuehrer-Order."
Dr. Lummert, Blume's lawyer, made a very able study of the law involved in this case. His arguments on Necessity and Superior Orders have been treated in the General Opinion. Dr. Lummert, in addition, has collected a formidable list of affidavits on Blume's character. They tell of Blume's honesty, good nature, kindness, tolerance and sense of justness, and the Tribunal does not doubt that he possessed all these excellent attributes at one time. One could regret that a person of such excellent moral qualities should have fallen under the influence of Adolf Hitler. But on the other hand one can regret even more that Hitler found such a resolute person to put into execution his murderous program. For let it be said once for all that Hitler with all his cunning and unmitigated evil would have remained as innocuous as a rambling crank if he did not have the Blumes, the Blobels, the Braunes and the Bibersteins to do his bidding, -- to mention only the B's.
The Tribunal finds the defendant guilty under Counts I and II of the Indictment. The Tribunal also finds that the defendant was a member of the criminal organizations SS, SD and Gestapo under the conditions defined by the Judgment of the International Military Tribunal and is, therefore, guilty under Count III of the Indictment."
Musmanno, Michael A., U.S.N.R, Military Tribunal II, Case 9: Opinion and Judgment of the Tribunal. Nuremberg: Palace of Justice. 8 April 1948. pp. 155-159 (original mimeographed copy), http://www.einsatzgruppenarchives.com/trials/blume.html).}

Bock, Wilhelm (11.9.1903-?) [SS-Standartenfuehrer] -- b. Luebeck; NSDAP: 170613 (joined 1 Nov 1929); SS: 11348 (joined 1 Aug 1935); police service; service, German Security Police (Sicherheitspolizei - SD) Vienna; service, SS and Police Commander (SSPF) Winniza (Vinnitsa, USSR); commander, forward command "Moscow" (Vorkommando Moskau) Jan-Jun 1942 (Field Men p. 43)

Boehme (Böhme), Dr. jur. Hans-Joachim (10.11909-31.5.1960) [SS-Sturmbannführer] – b. Magdeberg; NSDAP: 2316680 (joined 1 May 1933); SS: 151121 (joined 1 Nov 1933); service, Action Command (Einsatzkommando) Tilsit 1942-1943; service, 3rd Action Command (Einsatzkommando 3) 11 May 1944-1 Jan 1945; service, German Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst – SD) Kiel; service, German Security Service (SD) Kauen (Kovno) {arrested and put on trial 1957 by a West German court at Ulm for war crimes committed between Jun-Sept 1941 at Garsden, Krottingen, Augustowo, Polangen, Szweksznie, Tauroggen, Georgenburg, Wladislawa, Schmalleningken, Wirballen, Kybarty, Vevirzeniai, Wilkowischken, Calvaria (Krs.Mariampol), Wirballen, Heydekrug, Kolleschen, Batakai, Mariampol, Pilwischken, Skaudville, Vainutas, Erschwilkis, and Schilale, Lithuania, consisting of the shooting executions of thousands of Jewish men, women and children and the murders of communist functionaries by members of the German Secret State Police (Geheime Staatspolizei - Gestapo) at Tilsit, the SD at Tilsit, the State Police and Security Service Action Command "Tilsit" (EK Stapo und SD Tilsit), the Memel Police Directorate (Polizeidirektion Memel), the German Protection Police (Schutzpolizei - Schupo) at Memel, and the Lithuanian Police (Litauische Polizei) at Krottingen; convicted and sentenced to 15 years imprisonment 29 Aug 1958 (JuNSV Verfahren Lfd.Nr.465; LG Ulm 580829 [Ks 2/57]; BGH 600223 [1 StR 648/59]); died 31 May 1960 (Field Men p. 43).}

Boehme, Horst-Alwin (24.8.1902 [Field Men p. 44] or 24.81909 [ABR-SS]-?) [SS-Oberführer] – b. Colmnitz; NSDAP: 236 651 (joined 1 May 1930); SS: 2821 (joined 1 Feb 1930); commander, Einsatzgruppe B 12 Mar 1943-28 Aug 1943; commander, Einsatzgruppe C 6 Sept 1943-Mar 1944; commander of the Security Police and Security Service Koenigsberg (Befehlshaber der Sipo und des SD [BdO] Königsberg) (on 9 Nov 1944); commander of the Security Police and Security Service, Prague (Befehlshaber der Sipo und des SD [BdS] Prag) (ABR-SS; Field Men p. 44).

Bradfisch, Dr. Otto (10.5.1903-?) [SS-Obersturmbannführer] -- b. Zweibruecken; NSDAP: 405869 (joined 1 Jan 1931); SS: 310180 (joined 26 Sept 1938); commander, 8th Action Command of Action Group B (Einsatzkommando 8 /Einsatzgruppe B) Jun 1941-Jan 1942 or 1 Apr 1942; service, German Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst - SD) Neustadt; chief, State Police Station (Chef, Stapostelle) "Litzmannstadt" (Lodz), Warthegau Jan 1942-1944; Mayor of Lodz, Jul 1943-Dec 1944 {arrested and put on trial 1961 by a West German court at Munich/ Straubling for war crimes committed Jun-Dec 1941 at Baranowicze, Bialystok, Bobruisk, Borissow (Borisov), Gomel, Gorki, Klinzy, Minsk, Mogilew (Mogilev), Nowogrodek (Novogrodek), Orscha, Rjetschiza, Rogatschew, and Sluzk, consisting of the shooting executions of thousands of Jewish men, women and children and Soviet POWs; convicted and sentenced to 10 years imprisonment 21 Jul 1961 (NYT 22 Aug 1963:19:3; JuNSV Verfahren Lfd.Nr.519; LG München I 610721 [22 Ks 1/61]); held by West German authorities for 2 Sept 1963 trial on charges of complicity in the deportation and death of thousands of Polish Jews of the Lodz ghetto (NYT 22 Aug 1963:19:3; NYT 3 Sept 1963:12:6); put on trial by a West German court at Hannover; convicted and sentenced to 13 years imprisonment 18 Nov 1963 (NYT 19 Nov 1963:8:4; JuNSV Verfahren Lfd.Nr.557; LG Hannover 631118; BGH 641006); commuted to 6 years (Rueckerl 130, Holo Ency 1792-3; Encyclopedia of the Third Reich p. 106; Field Men p. 45; ABR-SS).}

Braune, Fritz (18.7.1910-?) [SS-Obersturmbannführer] -- b. Mehrstedt; NSDAP: 498-84 (joined 1 Dec 1931); SS: 272564 (joined 1 Nov 1935); chief, Reich Security Main Office Department I A-4 (Sipo/SD Personnel) (on 1 Jan 1941 and on 1 Oct 1943); commander, Special Command 4b (Sonderkommando 4b) 1 Oct 1941-21 Mar 1942; service, German Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst – SD) Oslo {sentenced to 9 years imprisonment by a West German court in Duesseldorf in 1973 for war crimes. (Rueckerl 131; Field Men p. 46); probably identifiable with "Bra., Fritz" -- service, Special Command 4b (SK4b) {arrested and put on trial by a West German court at Duesseldorf on charges of participating in the killing of Soviet Jews and mentally ill Ukrainians at Poltawa (Poltava), Artemowsk (Artemovsk), Winniza (Vinnitsa), Kirowograd (Kirovgrad), and Gorlowka (Gorlovka) in 1941-1942; convicted and sentenced to 9 years imprisonment 12 Jan 1973 (JuNSV Verfahren Lfd.Nr.784; LG Düsseldorf 730112 [8 Ks 3/70]).}

Braune, Dr. jur. Karl Rudolph Werner (11.4.1909-7.6.1951) [SS-Standartenfuehrer] -- b. Mehrstedt; NSDAP: 581277 (joined 1 Jul 1931); SS: 107364 (joined 18 Nov 1934); commander, Action Command 11b (Einsatzkommando 11b) Oct 1941-Sept 1942; service, German Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst – SD) Halle; service, Security Service (SD) Oslo {arrested and put on trial by an American military tribunal at Nuremberg on charges of ordering and participating in the mass execution of Russian Jews and POWs (the "Einsatzgruppe case"); convicted 10 Apr 1948 of war crimes and sentenced to death by hanging (NYT 11 Apr 1948:9:1); clemency refused 31 Jan 1951 by US armed forces commander in Europe General Thomas T. Handy (NYT 1 Feb 1951:1:2); executed at Landsberg-am-Lech prison 7 Jun 1951 (NYT 7 Jun 1951:1:7; LT 8 Jun 1951:6d; Holo Ency 1792-1793; Field Men p. 46).
The American military tribunal which sentenced Braune to death rendered this judgment:
"SS-Colonel Werner Braune received his law degree at the University of Jena in July 1932 and in 1933 was awarded the degree of Doctor of Juridical Science. He joined the SS in November 1934. In l940 he became chief of the Gestapo in Wesermuende. In October l941 he was assigned to Einsatzkommando 11b. As chief of this unit Braune knew of the Fuehrer-Order and executed it to the hilt. His defense is the general one of Superior Orders which avails Braune no more than it does anyone else who executes a criminal order with the zeal that Braune brought to the Fuehrer-Order.
Various reports implicate Braune and his kommando in the sordid business of illegal killings.
The Tribunal has already spoken of the Christmas massacre of Simferopol. Braune was the kommando leader in charge of this operation. He has admitted responsibility for this murder in unequivocal language:
"It took place under my responsibility. Once I was at the place of execution with Mr. Ohlendorf and there we convinced ourselves that the execution took place according to the directives laid down by Ohlendorf at the beginning of the assignment. I personally was there several times more and I supervised.... Furthermore, my sub-kommando leader Sturmbannfuehrer Schulz was always present, the company commander of the police company, and, I think, another Captain."
The Fuehrer-Order did not offer reasons or ask for explanations. Like a guillotine blade in its descent it did not stop to inquire into cause and premise. Nonetheless, the question was put to Braune as to why the Army, which apparently had immediately ordered this execution, was so anxious that the slaughter be accomplished before Christmas. Braune enlightened the Tribunal and simultaneously horrified humanity for all time as follows:
"The Fuehrer-Order was there, and now the Army said 'We want it finished before Christmas'. I wasn't able at the time to find out all the reasons. Maybe the reasons were strategic reasons, military reasons, which caused the Army to issue that order. Maybe they were territorial questions. Maybe they were questions of food. The Army, at that time, was afraid that hundreds of thousands of people might have to starve to death during that winter because of the food situation. ...."
There were also executions after Christmas. Einsatz-Order, dated January 12, 1942, speaks of an operation destined--
".....to apprehend unreliable elements (partisans, saboteurs, possibly enemy troops, parachutists in civilian clothes, Jews, leading Communists, etc.)." Braune admitted that he took an active part in this operation. He was asked what happened to the Jews who fell into the dragnet which he had spread, and Braune replied:
"If there were any Jews, Mr. Prosecutor, they were shot, just as the other Jews."
The question was then put if the Jews were given a trial, and the defendant replied:
"Mr. Prosecutor, I believe that it has been made adequately clear here that under the order which has been issued there was no scope to hold trials of Jews."
Document NOKW-584, describing the executions mentioned in that document carried this significant item:
"SS-Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Braune gave orders on the place of execution for the carrying out of the shooting."
Although Braune denies that he actually gave the order to fire he does admit that he marched with the condemned men to the place of execution.
Speaking of the Ewapatoria action the defendant explained that he was convinced that "the whole lot of them had engaged in illegal activities", but he admitted that there was the possibility, theoretically, as he described, that among these 1,184 executees --
"There were some people who had not participated in murdering the German soldiers or who had not participated in sniping activities." The Tribunal finds from all the evidence in the case that the defendant is guilty under Counts I and II of the Indictment.
The Tribunal also finds that the defendant was a member of the criminal organizations SS, SD and Gestapo under the conditions defined by the Judgment of the International Military Tribunal and is, therefore, guilty under Count III of the Indictment." (Musmanno, Michael A., U.S.N.R, Military Tribunal II, Case 9: Opinion and Judgment of the Tribunal. Nuremberg: Palace of Justice, pp. 176-178 (original mimeographed copy), http://www.einsatzgruppenarchives.com/t ... raune.html).}

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#7

Post by David Thompson » 27 Nov 2002, 04:06

Here's some mugshots from the US Holocaust Memorial Museum website:
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#8

Post by David Thompson » 27 Nov 2002, 04:10

And some more, also from the US Holocaust Memorial Museum website:
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werner braune.jpg
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Schmauser
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#9

Post by Schmauser » 27 Nov 2002, 14:39

Great information as always, thanks David!!

~Best Regards Schmauser

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#10

Post by David Thompson » 30 Nov 2002, 16:30

Breder, Dr. jur. Reinhard (11.2.1911-?) [SS-Sturmbannfuehrer] -- b. Steinhagen; NSDAP: 5653771 (joined 1 May 1937); SS: 116663; service, German Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst - SD) Duesseldorf; service, SD Frankfurt-am-Main; commander, 2nd Action Command (Einsatzkommando 2) 26 Mar 1942-Jul 1943 (Field Men 46)

Buchardt, Dr. jur. Friedrich (17.3.1909-?) [SS-Obersturmbannfuehrer] -- b. Riga; NSDAP:7675607 (joined 1 Jul 1940); SS: 290961 (joined 20 Jan 1938); service, Reich Security Main Office (Reichssicherheitshauptamt - RSHA) Department III B (SD-Inland Ethnic Affairs/ Volkstum); service, German Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst - SD) Lodz; service, Action Group B (Einsatzgruppe B); commander, 9th Action Command (Einsatzkommando 9) Jan 1943-Mar 1944; service, Snd SS Police Regiment; service, XII SS Corps 1944 (Field Men 48)

Christensen, Theodor (7.5.1905-?) [SS-Sturmbannfuehrer] -- b. Kiel; NSDAP: 383020 (joined 1 Dec 1930); SS: 36169; service, Reich Security Main Office (Reichssicherheitshauptamt - RSHA) Department III (SD-Inland); service, German Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst - SD) Koenigsberg; commander, Special Command 4a (Sonderkommando 4a) Jan 1943-1943; commander, 12th Action Command (Einsatzkommando 12) 1944; service, German Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst - SD) Paris (Field Men 48)

Christmann, Dr. Kurt (1.6.1907-?) [SS-Obersturmbannführer] -- b. Munich; NSDAP: 3203599 (joined 1 May 1933); SS: 103057; commander, Action Command 10a (Einsatzkommando 10a) 1 Aug 1942-Jul 1943; service, German Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst - SD) Salzburg; service, Reich Security Main Office (Reichssicherheitshauptamt - RSHA) {fled to Argentina; returned to West Germany 1956; started career as postwar real estate agent; West German authorities started proceedings against him in 1977 but suspended on grounds of ill health; arrested by West German police at Munich 13 Nov 1979 on charges of participating in the murders of 105 persons in the area of Krasnodar Aug 1942-Feb 1943 (NYT 15 Nov 1979:10:5); sentenced to 10 years imprisonment in 1980 by a Munich court. (Field Men p. 49; Nazi Mass Murder pps. 66-67).}

Ehrlinger, Erich (14.10.1910-?) [SS-Oberführer und Oberst der Polizei] – b. Giengen; NSDAP: 541195 (joined 1 Jun 1931); SS: 107493 (joined 22 Jun 1935); service, Action Command Prague (Einsatzkommando Prag) Mar-Sept 1939; commander, Special Command 1b of Action Group A (Sonderkommando 1b / Einsatzgruppe A) at Riga May-Dec 1941; service, German Security Police and Security Service (Sicherheitspolizeiund Sicherheitsdienst – Sipo/SD) Kiev Dec 1941-Aug 1943; commander, Action Group B (Einsatzgruppe B) Sept 1943-Apr 1944; commander, Security Police and Security Service "White Ruthenia" (Befehlshaber der Sicherheitspolizei und des Sicherheitsdienstes - BdS "Weissruthenien") at Minsk Sept 1943-Apr 1944; SS and Police Commander "White Ruthenia" (SSPF "Weissruthenien") at Minsk 6 Sept 1943-1 Apr 1944; commander, Sipo/SD schools Apr 1944-May 1945 {arrested Nov 1958 by West German police on war crimes charges; indicted by a West German court at Karlsruhe 11 Jan 1961 for mass executions of Jews by shooting at Kovno, Daugavpilis and Kiev (NYT 12 Jan 1961:4:6); sentenced 20 Dec 1961 to a term of 12 years in prison by a West German court in Karlsruhe for war crimes (NYT 21 Dec 1961:10:3); prosecution appealed due to lightness of sentence; verdict set aside by the West German Federal Supreme Court and retrial ordered 28 May 1963 (NYT 29 May 1963:3:6); released Dec 1964; retrial attempts ended in 1969 due to continuous incapacity to stand trial (Rueckerl p. 129; Field Men p. 53; Allgemeine-SS p. 60; Nazi Crimes in Ukraine 1941-1944 pps. 193, 203).}

Fendler, Lothar (13.8.1913-?) [SS-Sturmbannführer] -- b. Breslau (Wroclaw); NSDAP: 5216392 (joined 1 May 1937); SS: 272603 (joined 15 Apr 1933); deputy commander, Special Command 4b (Sonderkommando 4b) May-2 Oct 1941 and Mar-Jul 1942; service, Reich Security Main Office Department VI Security Service Foreign Intelligence (RSHA VI Ausland-SD){arrested and put on trial by an American military tribunal at Nuremberg on charges of ordering and participating in mass shootings of Jewish civilians in the Soviet Union (the "Einsatzgruppe case"); convicted and sentenced to 10 years imprisonment 10 Apr 1948 (NYT 11 Apr 1948:9:1); sentence commuted to 8 years imprisonment by US High Commissioner for Germany John J. McCloy, on recommendation of the Clemency Board (Holo Ency 1792-1793; Field Men p. 54).
In passing sentence on Fendler, the American military tribunal had this to say:
"SS-Major Fendler studied dentistry from 1932 to 1934 and served in the Wehrmacht from 1934 to 1936. He then joined the SD.
Fendler served in Sonderkommando 4b, Einsatzgruppe C, from May 1941 to October 2, 1941. During this time, the Sonderkommando was engaged, as all other kommandos of the Einsatzgruppe, in the execution of the Fuehrer-Order. The reports show that, during the time that Fendler was with the unit in question, many executions occurred:
Report No. 24 - IIA/8l, NO-2938
Report No. 19 - IIC/49, NO-2934
Report No. 111- IIA/44, N0-3155
Fendler denies participation in these executions, but he goes further and asserts complete ignorance of them. In fact, according to his story, he did not learn of the Fuehrer execution order until after he had severed all connections with the Sonderkommando.
Fendler submits that his work with the kommando was restricted to Department III and that he was concerned only with the gathering of information. Defendant after defendant has asserted that, in doing Department lll work, he was utterly ignorant of the functions performed by the other departments, but one cannot help but observe that Department lll did not operate within the confines of a high stone wall separating it from the rest of the kommando. An einsatzkommando in the field usually consisted of from 80 to 100 men and 7 to 10 officers. Sonderkommando 4b had a staff of 7 officers. Fendler lived, ate and associated with these officers. He was Department III, some other officer was Department IV, and still another officer was Department V or VI, and so on. It is absurd to assume that Fendler could not know what these other officers were doing, especially in view of the fact that Fendler was the second senior officer in the kommando.
It is not contended by the Prosecution, nor does the evidence show that Fendler, himself, ever conducted an execution, but it is maintained that he was part of an organization committed to an extermination program. Fendler asserts that Department IV alone conducted the executions and, therefore, within the water-tight compartment of his own Department III, he did not know what was happening in Department IV. The International Military Tribunal, in considering the relationship between the SD (which is Department III) and the Gestapo (which is Department IV), said:
"One of the principal functions of the local SD units was to serve as the Intelligence Agency for the local Gestapo units. In the occupied territories, the formal relationship between local units of the Gestapo, Criminal Police and SD was slightly closer."
Fendler asserted over and over that he only learned by accident of executions and that, generally, he did not know what was taking place. Fendler's assertion runs counter to normal every day experience because it is simply incredible that a high-ranking officer in a unit would not know of the principal occupation of that unit.
The defendant stated that he learned of the extermination order only after he had left the kommando and was at Kiev on his way home. He was asked:
"So that you had to travel five hundred kilometers and two days' distance from the very heart of this execution district before you learned that executions were being performed upon Jews because they were Jews, is that right?" And his answer was "yes".
The defendant explained that one of his principal occupations in the kommando was making out morale reports on the population. He was asked whether, when he learned of the pogrom which had occurred in Tarnopol, where about 600 people were murdered, he included this fact in his report. He replied in the negative. He was asked why he would not include so momentous an event as the murdering of 600 people in the streets in a report which he was compiling on the morale, of the population, and he replied he did not have a chance:
"Q. We'll, how much time would it take in an SD report which you were compelled to make and which it is your job to make, to say that there were excesses in Tarnopol to the extent that 600 Jews were murdered,--- or you didn't want to say murdered,--- were killed by the population. How much time would it take to include that, with your fingers on the typewriter, into a report? How much time would it take to say that?
A. Two seconds.
Q. Well then, why didn't you have the two seconds to write that?
A. Because I made no report.
Q. Why didn't you make a report?
A. Because I was given the order by the kommando leader to evaluate this material."
Fendler denies that he ever functioned as deputy to the kommando leader and stated that, when he acted as an advance kommando leader, he occupied himself only with the obtaining of intelligence files left behind by the Bolshevists. But, in evaluating these reports, it is inevitable that he would need to tell someone what he found. In fact, he did admit that this information usually was "utilized for individual reports". The Army was also informed "in a written form or orally".
In order to prove that the work of every officer was specialized and thus one would not know what the others were doing, the defendant stated that his unit never divided its forces. Thus, one officer would not need to do the job of others. However, since this would establish that, by sheer proximity, the officers could not help but know each other's business, the defendant later stated that the unit was not always together because of the distance it had to travel.
The defendant knew that executions were taking place. He admitted that the procedure which determined the so-called guilt of a person which resulted in his being condemned to death was "too summary". But, there is no evidence, that he ever did anything about it. As the second highest ranking officer in the kommando, his views could have been heard in complaint or protest against what he now says was a too summary procedure, but he chose to let the injustice go, uncorrected. He was asked:
"Do I understand you correctly that you were of the opinion that there was an insufficient safeguard for the suspected person, as there was no trial, that his rights as a defendant were not sufficiently safeguarded? Is that what you want to say, that that was your opinion; was that your opinion?"
And he replied:
"That was my theoretical opinion, Mr. Prosecutor." The defendant is presumed to be innocent until proved guilty, and the Tribunal is not prepared to say that the evidence in this case rises to that degree of certainty which could conclusively establish that the defendant was guilty of planning the killing of people or ordering their death. It does, however, show that the defendant took a consenting part in the criminal activities in the sense intended in Control Council Law No.10, although tbere are some mitigating circumstances. From the evidence in the case the Tribunal finds the defendant, guilty under Counts I and II of the lndictment.
The Tribunal finds the defendant was a member of the criminal organizations SS and SD under the conditions defined by the Judginent of the International Military Tribunal and is, therefore, guilty under Count III of the Indictment." (Musmanno, Michael A., U.S.N.R, Military Tribunal II, Case 9: Opinion and Judgment of the Tribunal. Nuremberg: Palace of Justice, pp. 207-210 (original mimeographed copy), http://www.einsatzgruppenarchives.com/t ... ndler.html).}

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#11

Post by David Thompson » 30 Nov 2002, 17:40

Filbert, Dr. jur. Alfred Karl Wilhelm (8.9.1905-?) [SS-Obersturmbannführer] – b. Darmstadt; NSDAP: 1321414 (joined 1 Sept 1932); SS: 44552 (joined 23 Aug 1932); commander, 9th Action Command (Einsatzkommando 9) 9 Jun 1941-20 Oct 1941; chief, Reich Security Main Office Department VI Security Service Foreign Intelligence [Germany] (RSHA Amt VI A SD-Ausland)) {postwar career as banker in West Berlin using name "Dr. Selbert"; arrested Feb 1959 and indicted 13 Dec 1961 (NYT 14 Dec 1961:50:3); put on trial 1962 by a West German court at Berlin for war crimes committed Jul-Oct 1941 at Grodno, Lida, Molodeczno, Newel, Surash, Wilejka, Wilna (Vilna), and Witebsk (Vitebsk), consisting of the mass killings of thousands of Jewish men, women and children by shooting (NYT 17 May 1962:3:4); convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment 22 Jun 1962 (NYT 23 Jun 1962:4:4; JuNSV Verfahren Lfd.Nr.540; LG Berlin 620622 [3P Ks 1/62]; BGH 630409 [5 StR22/63]; Rueckerl 131; Field Men p. 55).}

Fuchs, Dr. Wilhelm (1.9.1898-24.1.1947) [SS-Oberfuehrer und Oberst der Polizei] -- b. Mannheim; NSDAP: 1038061 (joined 1 Apr 1932); SS: 62760 (joined 1 Dec 1932); doctor of economics; acting SS and Police Commander "Latvia" (SSPF "Lettland") at Riga June 1942; acting Senior SS and Police Commander "Center" (HSSPF "Mitte") at Brunswick (Braunschweig) 8 Jul 1943-15 Sept 1943; commander, 3rd Action Command (Einsatzkommando 3) 15 Sept 1943-6 May 1944; commander, Action Group A (Einsatzgruppe A) May-Oct 1944; commander, Action Group "Serbia"/ Action Froup E (Einsatzgruppe "Serbien"/ Einsatzgruppe E) 1944; Inspector, German Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst - SD) Braunschweig {arrested and extradited to Yugoslavia; put on trial by the Supreme Military Court of Yugoslavia at Belgrade for war crimes; convicted and sentenced to death by hanging 22 Dec 1946; execution at Belgrade for war crimes reported 24 Jan 1947 by Yugoslav news agency Tanjug (NYT 23 Dec 1946:2:3; 25 Jan 1947:2:3; History of the United Nations War Crimes Commission and the Development of the Laws of War p. 531, United Nations War Crimes Commission, London: HMSO, 1948).}

Goercke, Kurt Otto – service, Action Command 4b (Einsatzkommando 4b) {arrested and put on trial by an East German court at Neubrandenburg for war crimes committed between Jul 1941-Aug 1942 at Barwenkowa, Gorlowka, Kirowograd (Kirovgrad), Kramatorsk, Poltawa (Poltava), Slawjansk, and Tarnopol, consisting of participating in the murders of approximately 3000 persons including Jews, the mentally infirm at the Poltava asylum and other Russian civilians by gassing vans and shootings; convicted and sentenced to death 22 Feb 1961; subsequent fate unknown (JuNSV Verfahren Lfd.Nr.1082; LG/BG Neubrandenburg 610222; Ob. Gericht der DDR 610425).}

Graaf, Kurt (8.1.1909-?) [SS-Sturmbannfuehrer] – b. Kiel; NSDAP: 183351 (joined 1 Jan 1930); SS: 36179 (joined 27 Jul 1932); SA service 1929-1932; Hitler Youth (Hitlerjugend) service 1930; service, Reich Security Main Office (Reichssicherheitshauptamt - RSHA) Department I A-5b (subdivision of Party & SS Personnel Matters); commander, Action Command 1c (Einsatzkommando 1c) 1 Aug-28 Nov 1942; service, German Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst – SD) Schwerin (Field Men p. 61)

Graalfs, Hans (11.11.1915-?) [SS-Hauptsturmführer] – b. Wieselstede; NSDAP: 4198410 (joined 1 May 1937); SS: 164791 (joined 1 Nov 1933); platoon leader, 8th Action Command (Einsatzkommando 8) to Oct 1941; service, 502nd SS Heavy Tank Battalion; service, Reich Security Main Office (Reichssicherheitshauptamt - RSHA); service, German Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst – SD) at Berlin {arrested and put on trial 1964 by a West German court at Kiel for war crimes committed Jul-Sept 1941 in Poland and Russia at Baranowicze, Bialystok, Minsk, Mogilew, Nowogrodek, and in the area of Stolpcze, consisting of the murders by shooting of thousands of Jewish men, women and children; convicted and sentenced to 3 years imprisonment 8 Apr 1964 (JuNSV Verfahren Lfd.Nr.567; LG Kiel 640408 [2 Ks 1/64]; BGH 650216 [5 StR 425/64]; Field Men p. 61).}

Graf, Mathias (8.5.1903-?) [SS-Untersturmführer] -- b. Kottern; NSDAP: 3423504 (joined 1 May 1933); SS: 77431; service, Reich Security Main Office (Reichssicherheitshauptamt - RSHA); service, 6th Action Command (Einsatzkommando 6) Jun 1941-Oct 1942 {arrested and put on trial by an American military tribunal at Nuremberg (the "Einsatzgruppe case") on charges of ordering and participating in mass shootings of Jewish civilians in the Soviet Union; acquitted 10 Apr 1948; released from American custody 10 Apr 1948 (Holo Ency 1792-1793).
In acquitting Graf, the American military tribunal had this to say:
"Matthias Graf was never a commander of an einsatz unit nor during the whole time he served in Russia was he an officer. When first attached to Einsatzkommando 6 he held the rank of Unterscharfuehrer (corporal). After one year he was promoted to Scharfuehrer (sergeant) and when he left Russia in October 1942 he held the rank of Oberscharfuehrer (master sergeant), that is to say he remained in a non-commissioned officers' status throughout the entire period off his service with the kommando.
At the very outset he was made assistant to one Grimminger who served as an SD expert. Upon Grimminger's death in July 1941 Graf took over his position. Although Graf was statistically with Einsatzkommando 6 for thirteen months he served also for a short period with the Commander of the Security Police and the SD in Stalino. For five weeks he was detailed to the Liason Office of AOK 17; he was on furlough for five weeks and was ill and on sick leave for about three months. Thus about five months of thirteen months' incumbency with the einsatzkommando were spent away from the unit. During the eight months he actually served with the organization, Graf never once acted as commander of it or any of its sub-divisions.
In September 1942 Graf was assigned the command of a sub-kommando, but he refused to accept the assignment. Because of this refusal he was arrested and placed in custody for disciplinary action. Eventually the disciplinary proceedings were dropped and he was sent back to Germany.
The defendant, like every other defendant in court, is presumed innocent until proven guilty. The Prosecution has introduced reports showing that Einsatzkommando 6 engaged in various executive operations. It is not questioned that the kommando did participate in liquidating operations and, despite the defendant's denial, it is not to be doubted that he knew of at least some of these executions. However, more than mere knowledge of illegality or crime is required in order to establish guilt under Counts I and
II of the Indictment. Furthermore, in view of his various absences from the kommando it can not be assumed that his membership in the organization of itself proves his presence at and knowledge of any particular executive operation, without there being proof of that fact.
In view of Graf's non-commissioned officers' status in an organization where rank was of vital importance, it is not to be assumed that the commander of the organization would take Graf into his confidence in planning an operation. As a non-commissioned officer he would not participate in officers' conferences. Since there is no evidence in the record that Graf was at any time in a position to protest against the illegal actions of others, he cannot be found guilty as an accessory under Counts I and II of the Indictment. Since there is no proof that he personally participated in any of the executions or their planning, he may not be held as a principal.
Insofar as Counts I and II against the defendant are concerned the Tribunal concludes that the evidence does not rise to that degree of proof required by the principles of justice and the concomitant guarantees of correct procedure to warrant a finding of guilt beyond a reasonable doubt, and thus finds him not guilty.
The defendant joined the SS in 1933 and in 1936 was expelled because of lack of attendance and general indifference to the organization. It would appear that at no time was Graf a fanatical adherent of National Socialism. In 1932 he intended to go to South America but was prevented from doing so because of restriction on foreign currency. He tried also to migrate in 1940 but could not do so because of the war. His primary interest was not politics but business. His Work Book, a document required under the Law of February 26, 1835 (published in Reich Law Gazette 311) lists him as an Independent Business man from the period of October 1, 1935 to February 1, 1940 and as a civil servant from March 1, 1940. In January 1940 he was drafted under the Emergency Service Regulations for service with the Landrat in Kempten and then entered the SD-Aussenstelle in Kempten on a war supplementary basis.
In the same year, 1940, he endeavored to be released from the SD so that he might join the army. He took an interpreter's examination in order to qualify for linguistic services in the army but he did not succeed in his attempt. On April 18, 1941 he wrote a letter, seeking to be released from the SD so that he might be enrolled in the army. A copy of this letter was introduced as a document.
In considering the subject of membership in a criminal organization, as defined by the International Military Tribunal Decision, September 1, 1939 is accepted as a crucial date. On that date Graf was not a member of any criminal organization. When, in 1940, he was drafted by the Emergency Service Regulations he applied to rejoin the SS. He explained that this application was purely a perfunctory function because he would automatically have fallen into this organization on account of his then being a member of the SD:
"The Personnel Department Chief could see from my documents that I used to be a member of the SS, so he said, 'Of course, in that case you have to rejoin the SS.' Therefore, I made out the application, but, if I had not been deferred to the SD, I would never have rejoined the SS. After all, I had left the SS and also I did not rejoin the General SS, but I was transferred to the special formation, the SD. After all, this was on the war emergency status. In my opinion then, it was merely a formal matter to regain my former SS number." In substantiation of his claim that he rejoined the SS because of the insistency of his departmental chief the defendant pointed out, that although drafted into war service on January 1, 1940 he did not make his application for the SS until July 28. Had he had a sincere desire to rejoin the SS, he would not have waited 7 months to make the application. He, therefore, submits that the filing of the application was a mere form.
The Tribunal finds that the defendant's leaving the SS in 1936 showed a clear intention to disassociate himself from that organization and accepts the defendant's explanation that he would not have rejoined the SS in July 1940 had he not been drafted by the Emergency Service Regulations and deferred to the SD. The Tribunal therefore finds him not guilty of membership in the SS under the conditions declared criminal by the International Military Tribunal.
With regard to membership in the SD, reference is made to the IMT decision which declares that the Security Police and the SD was a voluntary organization and that membership therein was voluntary. The Tribunal therefore finds the defendant guilty of membership in the SD. It further finds as a mitigating circumstance, however, that his membership in the SD was not without compulsion and constraint. It therefore adjudges that the period of the defendant's imprisonment from the date of his arrest, following the termination of the war, to the present date, shall constitute the sentence of the Tribunal based upon such conviction. In view of the fact that the defendant has thus already served his term of imprisonment under the sentence just imposed, it is now ordered that he be permanently discharged from custody under the Indictment upon adjournment of the Tribunal this day." (Musmanno, Michael A., U.S.N.R, Military Tribunal II, Case 9: Opinion and Judgment of the Tribunal. pp. 225-227 (original mimeographed copy), http://www.einsatzgruppenarchives.com/trials/graf.html).}

Haefner (Häfner), August (31.1.1912-?) [SS-Obersturmführer und Kriminalkommissar] -- b. Mellingen (Switzerland); NSDAP: 869199 (joined 1 Jan 1932); SS: 105693 (joined 4 Mar 1933); service in Hitler Youth (Hitlerjugend) 1932-1933; sub-unit leader (Teilkommandoführer) in Special Command 4a (Sonderkommando 4a); service, Reich Security Main Office (Reichssicherheitshauptamt - RSHA) {arrested and put on trial 1973 by a West German Court in Darmstadt for war crimes committed Aug-Sept 1941 at Babi Yar ravine near Kiew (Kiev), Shitomir (Zhitomir), Bjelaja Zerkow and Wassilkow (Vassilikov) involving mass executions of Russian Jews and mentally disabled persons in the 6th Army rear area; convicted and sentenced to 8 years imprisonment 12 Dec 1973 (JuNSV Verfahren Lfd.Nr.805; LG Darmstadt 731212 [2 Ks 2/73]; Good Old Days 294; Field Men p. 64).}

David Thompson
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#12

Post by David Thompson » 27 Dec 2002, 03:22

Haensch (Hänsch), Dr. jur. Walter (3.1.1904-?) [SS-Obersturmbannführer und Regierungsrat] -- NSDAP: 537265 (joined 7 Jun 1931); SS: 272573 (joined 1 Aug 1935); chief, Reich Security Main Office Department I D-2 (SS Disciplinary Matters) (on 1 Jan 1941); chief, Reich Security Main Office Department I D (Penal Affairs); commander, Special Command 4b (Sonderkommando 4b) Mar-Jul 1942; {arrested and put on trial by an American military tribunal at Nuremberg on charges of ordering and participating in mass shootings of Jewish civilians in the Soviet Union (the "Einsatzgruppe case"); convicted and sentenced to death by hanging 10 Apr 1948 (NYT 11 Apr 1948:9:1); commuted 31 Jan 1951 to 15 years imprisonment by US High Commissioner for Germany John J. McCloy, on recommendation of the Clemency Board (NYT 1 Feb 1951:1:2); released 1955 (Holo Ency 1792-1793; Field Men p. 64).}

Hahn, Dr. jur. Ludwig Hermann Karl (23.1.1908-?) [SS-Standartenführer] – NSDAP: 194463; SS: 65823; commander, 1st Action Command of Action Group I (Einsatzkommando 1/I) Aug-20 Nov 1939 at Neutitschen, Bielsko and Rzeszow (Poland); German Secret State Police (Geheime Staatspolizei - Gestapo) at Weimar; commander, German Security Police and Security Service (Sicherheitspolizei und Sicherheitsdienst - Sipo/SD) at Warsaw; service, Reich Security Main Office (Reichssicherheitshauptamt - RSHA) (on 9 Nov 1944) {arrested 2 Jul 1960 by West German police on charges of participation in the destruction of the Warsaw ghetto and mass killings at concentration camp (Konzentrationslager - KL) Treblinka (NYT 3 Jul 1960:12:8); held for 2 weeks and released; rearrested by West German police 1965 and held for 2 years; arrested Aug 1971 by West German police (NYT 29 Aug 1975:1:2); put on trial May 1972 by a West German court in Hamburg for war crimes committed at Pawiak prison in Warsaw (NYT 12 Dec 1972:18:1); convicted and sentenced to 12 years imprisonment 5 Jun 1973 (NYT 29 Aug 1975:1:2; JuNSV Verfahren Lfd.Nr.795; LG Hamburg 730605; BGH 750304); put on trial for his acts against the Jews and sentenced to another 15 years imprisonment in 1975 ([email protected]) or arrested and put on trial by a West German court at Hamburg on charges of having organized and supervised the deportation of at least 230,000 Polish Jews of Warsaw to KL Treblinka between Jul-Sept 1942; convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment 4 Jul 1975 (NYT 29 Aug 1975:1:2; JuNSV Verfahren Lfd.Nr.821; LG Hamburg 750704; BGH 770111).(Holo Ency 642-3; Field Men p. 65; Dienstaltersliste der Schutzstaffel der NSDAP [1 Nov 1944]).}

Hamann, Joachim (18.5.1913-13.7.1945) [SS-Sturmbannfuehrer] -- b. Kiel; NSDAP: 958322 (joined 1 Feb 1932); SS: 314267 (joined 1 Jul 1938); paratroop service 1935-1938; service, 3rd Action Command (Einsatzkommando 3); service, Special Command 4b (Sonderkommando 4b); service, Reich Security Main Office Department IV B German Secret State Police (Reichssicherheitshauptamt Amt IV B Geheime Staatspolizei - Gestapo); service, Operation Zeppelin 1942 {died 13 Jul 1945 (The Camp Men p. 65).}

Harder, Arthur Alexander -- service, 1005th Special Command (Sonderkommando 1005) {arrested and put on trial by a West German court at Koblenz on charges of participating in the shooting, gassing in death vans and the burning alive (Lebendverbrennung) of thousands of Western European Jews, gypsies, Soviet civilians and agents of the Soviet government in and around Minsk in 1941-1944; convicted 21 May 1963 but judgment vacated by an appellate court; subsequent disposition unknown (Urteil vom BGH aufgehoben; ein späteres Urteil konnte nicht ermittelt werden) (JuNSV Verfahren Lfd.Nr.552; LG Koblenz 630521; Veröffentlicht in Justiz und NS-Verbrechen Band XIX); probably identifiable with Harder, Karl-Arthur.}

Harder, Karl-Arthur (19.9.1910-?) [SS-Hauptsturmführer] -- b. Frankfurt-am-Main; NSDAP: 173750 (joined 1 Dec 1929); SS: 4271; officer, 1005th Special Command (Sonderkommando 1005) 1943-1944 {put on trial by a West German court on charges of participating in the murder of 30,000 Jews in the Soviet Union; collapsed from pill overdose during proceedings 12 Dec 1962 (NYT 14 Dec 1962:2:1); sentenced to 3 1/2 years imprisonment 21 May 1963 (NYT 22 May 1963:7:3; Field Men p. 66); probably identifiable with Harder, Arthur Alexander.}

Hausmann, Emil (11.10.1910-31.7.1947) [SS-Sturmbannführer] -- b. Ravensburg; NSDAP: 185729 (joined 1 Jan 1930); SS: 280307 (joined 1 Nov 1936); service, Hitler Youth (Hitlerjugend) 1933-1936; officer, 12th Action Command (Einsatzkommando 12) 21 Jun-5 Oct 1941 and 15 Feb-15 Jul 1942; service, Reich Security Main Office (Reichssicherheitshauptamt - RSHA) {indicted by an American military tribunal at Nuremberg on charges of ordering and participating in mass shootings of Jewish civilians in the Soviet Union; committed suicide by hanging himself 31 Jul 1947, during the course of the trial (NYT 1 Aug 1947:4:1; LT 30 Sept 1947:3e; Holo Ency 1792-1793; Field Men p. 67).}

Hennicke, Karl (21.1.1910-?) [SS-Obersturmbannfuehrer] -- b. Erfurt; NSDAP: 119609 (joined 1 Feb 1929); SS: 3276 (joined 1 Dec 1929); service, German Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst - SD) Karlsruhe; service, Action Group C (Einsatzgruppe C); commander, German Security Service (SD), Koeln (The Camp Men p. 70).}

Hersmann, Werner (11.9.1904-?) [SS-Sturmbannführer] – b. Duisberg; NSDAP: 298562 (joined 1 Sept 1930); SS: 9416 (joined 1 Apr 1931); service, Action Command 11a (Einsatzkommando 11a); service, Action Command (Einsatzkommando) Tilsit Dec 1942-May 1943; service, Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst – SD) Weimar; service, SD Koenigsberg (Königsberg); service, 36th SS Division "Dirlewanger" 1944; service, 38th SS Division "Niebelungen" 1945{arrested and put on trial 1957 by a West German court at Ulm for war crimes committed between Jun-Sept 1941 at Garsden, Krottingen, Augustowo, Polangen, Szweksznie, Tauroggen, Georgenburg, Wladislawa, Schmalleningken, Wirballen, Kybarty, Vevirzeniai, Wilkowischken, Calvaria (in the district of [Krs.] Mariampol), Wirballen, Heydekrug, Kolleschen, Batakai, Mariampol, Pilwischken, Skaudville, Vainutas, Erschwilkis, and Schilale, Lithuania, consisting of the shooting executions of thousands of Jewish men, women and children and the murders of communist functionaries by members of the German Secret State Police (Geheime Staatspolizei - Gestapo) at Tilsit, the German Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst – SD) at Tilsit, State Police and Security Service Action Command (EK Stapo und SD) Tilsit, the Police Directorate (Polizeidirektion) at Memel, the German Protection Police (Schutzpolizei – Schupo) at Memel, and the Lithuanian Police (Litauische Polizei) at Krottingen; convicted and sentenced to 15 years imprisonment 29 Aug 1958 (JuNSV Verfahren Lfd.Nr.465; LG Ulm 580829 [Ks 2/57]; BGH 600223 [1 StR 648/59]; Field Men p. 70).}

Hofmann, Dr. jur. Walter (29.9.1915-?) [SS-Sturmbannfuehrer] -- b. Frankfurt-am-Main; NSDAP: 1821949 (joined 1 Apr 1933); SS: 92210 (joined 15 Apr 1933); service, Reich Security Main Office (Reichssicherheitshautamt - RSHA); chief of staff, Action Group C (Einsatzgruppe C) 1941-1942 (The Camp Men p. 72).

Hubig, Dr. jur. Hermann (12.3.1912-?) [SS-Sturmbannfuehrer] -- b. Voelkingen; NSDAP: 2709693 (joined 1 Apr 1933); SS: 290303 (joined 1 Oct 1936); service, Reich Security Main Office Department VI B Security Service-Foreign (Germany and Italy) (Reichssicherheitshauptamt - RSHA Amt VI B Sicherheitsdienst-Ausland); service, Action Group A (Einsatzgruppe A) 15 Sept-5 Dec 1941; commander, Action Command 1b (Einsatzkommando 1b) 1942-Oct 1942; service, Operation Zeppelin; service, German Security Service (SD) Prague {changed name to Helmut Haller after the war (The Camp Men p. 73).}

erik00101
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#13

Post by erik00101 » 12 Aug 2003, 20:38

some info on Buchardt here:
wvw.geocities.com/dudar2000/Bcc.htm

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AHLF
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#14

Post by AHLF » 13 Aug 2003, 16:51

Gruppenführer-SS Arthur Nebe.

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Bio:
http://www.us-israel.org/jsource/biography/Nebe.html

Ludger
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Einsatzgruppen officers

#15

Post by Ludger » 19 Aug 2003, 19:44

Hi,

if you have still interest in your request please send me your e-mail-adress on "[email protected]" and I will wil send you some dossiers on the persons you have mentioned.

Ludger

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