Comfort women - a battle about Face?

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caramut
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Comfort women - a battle about Face?

#1

Post by caramut » 15 Feb 2007, 13:01

Australian woman seeks apology from Japan
Penelope Debelle, Adelaide
February 14, 2007


Jan O'Herne was forced to become a "comfort woman" for Japanese officers in World War II.

IN 1944, a truck full of high-ranking Japanese officers arrived at a prison camp in Java. The young female prisoners were forced to line up. Among them was Jan O'Herne. She was 21.

"A selection process then started and they picked the prettiest ones, 10 girls out of the line," she said.

"We were hurled onto the truck and driven away from the camp, away from our mothers and families and taken to a house in Semarang, the capital of Central Java, that was turned into a brothel for the Japanese military."

Over the next three months, Jan O'Herne was raped repeatedly by Japanese officers. Fencing and guards meant there was no escape.

For 50 years Mrs O'Herne, who now lives in Adelaide, kept the story — and the horrors — to herself. Now she is going to Washington, where she will tell the US Congress of what she endured.

The silence was at first imposed by the Japanese, on the threat of death for her, her mother, her father and her two younger sisters. The "comfort women", as they came to be known, were also silenced by their own feelings of shame.

For Mrs O'Herne, the turning point was hearing a Korean woman tell her story on television in 1992. Emboldened, Mrs O'Herne travelled later that year to Tokyo to testify about Japanese war crimes.

Fifteen years later, and more than half a century after her dignity was stripped from her, Mrs O'Herne is still waiting for an apology from Japan.

Her hope is that her testimony, and that of two Korean women, on behalf of the 200,000 raped, will force Japan to "officially and unambiguously apologise" and accept responsibility for the abuse.
http://www.theage.com.au/news/world/pri ... 74189.html

The biggest problem I have with this issue, as I do with other aspects of Japan's war time conduct, is its inability to recognise and try to correct the wrongs it did in a genuine and open way.

This is exactly the opposite of Germany, which in my view sometimes seems to go too far in trying to acknowledge and correct the wrongs its recent ancestors did.

So far as government and official attitudes are concerned, Germany has a predisposition to acknowledging and atoning for national guilt. Japan is, in some disturbing respects, the opposite.

Although Japanese governments have made several formal apologies (one can quibble about the language as to whether they were strictly "apologies" in the Japanese sense) since 1945, the fact remains that when confronted with issues like the comfort women the organs of Japanese government cannot acknowledge or deal fairly with their grievances. Combined with some curious attitudes to school texts about the war, despite some brave and isolated Japanese who have campaigned for and succeeded in slight amendments to these texts, it is difficult to avoid the inference that there are still elements of the Japanese government and officialdom which cannot accept or, worse, still approve of its conduct in WWII.

The main choices are that there are people, outside the far right and resurgent militarists, who still think that Japan's war was a glorious expression of national will and skill or there are people who cannot abide the loss of 'face' inherent in acknowledging that the war was wrong and that Japan's conduct in it was wrong.

Either way, there doesn't seem much prospect that Japan, even now, can or will acknowledge its bad actions such as those involved in using captured civilians as sexual slaves. Until it does, it is difficult to accept that Japan has advanced much beyond 1941-45 in some critical respects relating to human rights and accepting the values which MacArthur supposedly instilled in his institution of 'democracy' (whatever that means) in Japan..

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Peter H
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#2

Post by Peter H » 18 Feb 2007, 04:38

The Batavia War Crimes Tribunal in February 1948 "tried twelve Japanese in relation to the forced prostitution of Dutch women" at the Semarang Club.O'Herne appears to be one of the 35 Dutch women involved.

Note her ordeal luckily only lasted for 3 months.

The right wing Japanese historian Hata Ikuhiko provides some details of the trial in his book(『戦争裁判の実相(巣鴨法務委員会編(Justice and War Judgement).

The following officers were convicted:

Okada Yoshiharu--"found guilty for kidnapping, forcing prostitution, and rape of Dutch women at Semarang and executed by the Dutch"

Ikeda Shozo-- "sentenced to 15 years in prison"

Note Okada's superior,one Okubo Asao "committed suicide in Japan after receiving the notification of detainment, and was never tried".

Nine others were sentenced to 2 to 20 years in prison,including the owners of the club


Hata:
Okada seems to have been ordered by his superior(Okubo) to set up a Officers’ club, and so he asked Governor Miyano of Sumerang to have some Indonesians working under him help obtain women in the camps as well.The day before the club opened, he visited the women for the first time to see how everything was, and reported to a visiting general staff officer that, “They are so cheerful and young that I’m worried some of our men might fall in love and commit suicide together.” The facility was closed down after a senior General Staff officer named Yamamoto heard that the women were taken by force. (There is also testimony that the faciltiy was simply shut down because business was not that good and it had to be restarted using non-white women.) Of the 35 women at the officer’s club, 25 were found to have been forced into prostitution, but the tribunal could not determine who was responsible for the actual abductions since the local Indonesian officials were never called to testify, and found Okada guilty on the basis that Okada should have known no (or only a few) women would willingly have become prostitutes, so his orders for recruitment was equivalent to ordering a kidnapping. Okada writes in his diary, “I have treated them so well, and yet they are now accusing me with blatant lies. Alas, I imagine they must do so now that the tides have turned and they cannot claim to have cooperated with us. I see I have been made the mastermind. I have nothing more to say. My hands have been bitten by the dogs I have fed.” (one is lead to believe the dogs refer to the Japanese owners of the clubs and not the women.)


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#3

Post by michael mills » 18 Feb 2007, 06:03

Mrs O'Herne is not a credible witness, since her story has grown more lurid and hysterical each time she has told it publicly, for example on the media here in Australia.

For example, on one occasion she claimed that when she complained to the Japanese military doctor who had come to examine the women working as "hostesses" in the officers' club for venereal disease, he had raped her as a punishment, and subsequently he had raped her every time he came to carry out the medical examination.

One wonders whether this doctor "raped" all the other women working in the officers' club as well on his regular visits. One also wonders whether it is likely that a medical doctor, well aware of the dangers of the spread of venereal disease, and having the responsibility of checking its spread, would have run the risk of having sexual intercourse, forced or unforced, with a woman presumed to have been exposed to venereal disease, purely on some sort of whim?

When I heard O'Herne telling this tale on Australian television, I had the distinct impression that she was making it up as she went along, ie first she was talking about the doctor coming to examine her and the other women for venereal disease as part of her account of life in the officers' club (which is probably entirely true), then she must have felt an urge to add the detail about the doctor raping her, and then a further urge to make the rapes happen every time the doctor visited.

A far more credible account of the use of female European civilian internees as "comfort women" is given in the Australin filam "Paradise Road", in the making of which a number of the women on whose wartime experiences the film was based acted as advisors, thereby reinforcing the film's reliability.

The film includes a sequence where a number of the women are taken from the internment camp, where conditions are already wretched, to an officers' casino, where a very polite Japanese officer shows them the facilities, the comfortable living conditions, and the good food, and invites the women to come to live in the casino as "hostesses" for the officers. If they decline, they can return to the internment camp.

A number of the women accept the offer, while the others refuse and return to the internment camp where they live out the remainder of the war under extremely squalid conditions that many do not survive. A later scene in the film shows the women who agreed to work as "Hostesses" sitting on the balcony of the casino, looking well-fed and in good conditions, as contrasted with the wretched condition of the women in the internment camp.

There is reason to believe that Mrs O'Herne's experience was more like the sequence shown in "Paradise Road" than the lurid ordeal of rape that she now proclaims on the media. At one point in the telling of her story, she let slip that the other female internees regarded the girls working in the officers' club as "whores", which shows that in the opinion of the internees those girls had not been forced into prostitution.

The most likely reality is that O'Herne, along with a number of other young female internees, chose to work as a "hostess" rather than endure life in an internment camp, and afterwards felt so ashamed of her "cowardice" that she invented the story of multiple rapes as a form of psychological self-defence. It is entirely possible that now she fully believes the story she is telling.

The trial of 12 Japanese involved in the running of the officers' club in Semarang by Netherlands colonial authorities in 1948 cannot be accepted as establishing absolute historical truth, since it is inevitable that strong elements of racial prejudice were involved. After all, these were ugly little yellow men having sexual intercourse with women belonging to the colonial ruling class, which would have greatly compromised the position of that class in the eyes of the "natives". In order to maintain the prestige of the colonial regime, it would have been impossible to admit that any white women could have voluntarily had sexual intercourse with Asian men, and it would have necessary to mete out exemplary punishment to the Asian men involved as a warning.

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Peter H
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#4

Post by Peter H » 18 Feb 2007, 06:29

Paradise Road,its strengths and faults are discussed here:

http://www.awm.gov.au/journal/j32/nelson.htm

The Dutch finding that 25 of the 35 girls there were forced into service is somewhat supported by the Japanese staff officer who closed the place down due to this reason.

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#5

Post by David Thompson » 18 Feb 2007, 07:26

Michael -- You wrote:
The trial of 12 Japanese involved in the running of the officers' club in Semarang by Netherlands colonial authorities in 1948 cannot be accepted as establishing absolute historical truth, since it is inevitable that strong elements of racial prejudice were involved. After all, these were ugly little yellow men having sexual intercourse with women belonging to the colonial ruling class, which would have greatly compromised the position of that class in the eyes of the "natives". In order to maintain the prestige of the colonial regime, it would have been impossible to admit that any white women could have voluntarily had sexual intercourse with Asian men, and it would have necessary to mete out exemplary punishment to the Asian men involved as a warning.
Do you have any evidence to support this theory of the Dutch war crimes proceedings?

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#6

Post by caramut » 18 Feb 2007, 11:09

Michael Mills' post challenges O’Herne’s credibility and imputes discreditable conduct to her without producing one shred of evidence to back up these opinions.
michael mills wrote:Mrs O'Herne is not a credible witness, since her story has grown more lurid and hysterical each time she has told it publicly, for example on the media here in Australia.
She wrote "Fifty Years of Silence" which was published in 1994. A video of her story was also produced that year http://www.frif.com/new98/fiftyyr.html If what she has said subsequently is consistent with, or does not contradict, what she said thirteen years ago then there is no basis for questioning her credibility. In the absence of an analysis of her credibility which goes back to those sources, and to the history of the camp and brothel she was in, rather than just focusing on a few interviews with a woman in her mid-80's whose memory might not be all that acute, I'm not prepared to accept that her credibility has been damaged or is suspect.
michael mills wrote:For example, on one occasion she claimed that when she complained to the Japanese military doctor who had come to examine the women working as "hostesses" in the officers' club for venereal disease, he had raped her as a punishment, and subsequently he had raped her every time he came to carry out the medical examination.
If the MO had singled her out for punishment by raping her on the first occasion, what‘s so remarkable about him continuing it on subsequent visits?
michael mills wrote: One wonders whether this doctor "raped" all the other women working in the officers' club as well on his regular visits.

There's no suggestion that he was raping all the other women or that he had singled them out for punishment, so implying that O'Herne's story is rubbish because he couldn't rape them all doesn't support any inference about how O'Herne was treated, or her credibility.
michael mills wrote: One also wonders whether it is likely that a medical doctor, well aware of the dangers of the spread of venereal disease, and having the responsibility of checking its spread, would have run the risk of having sexual intercourse, forced or unforced, with a woman presumed to have been exposed to venereal disease, purely on some sort of whim?
What’s the whole point of his visit? To determine whether or not the women have VD. Why wouldn't he be prepared to back his professional judgement once he'd satisfied himself she didn't have VD? For all we know, the MO had VD himself and didn't care. That piece of baseless speculation is at least as well founded as the adverse speculations about O'Herne.
michael mills wrote:A far more credible account of the use of female European civilian internees as "comfort women" is given in the Australin filam "Paradise Road", in the making of which a number of the women on whose wartime experiences the film was based acted as advisors, thereby reinforcing the film's reliability.
Referring to any film “based on fact”, with or without advisors, as a credible account of any historical event is dangerous. We might as well say that the films Kokoda and Gallipoli were practically documentaries, along with Battle of Britain, Tora! Tora! Tora! and so on, not to mention John Wayne's contribution to faithfully recording several wars for posterity. :)
michael mills wrote:There is reason to believe that Mrs O'Herne's experience was more like the sequence shown in "Paradise Road" than the lurid ordeal of rape that she now proclaims on the media. At one point in the telling of her story, she let slip that the other female internees regarded the girls working in the officers' club as "whores", which shows that in the opinion of the internees those girls had not been forced into prostitution.
It doesn't necessarily support that conclusion. An involuntary whore is still a whore in the minds of some people. Internment didn't stop censorious, judgmental people being censorious and judgmental about people who weren't in their position. There is still no shortage of people who blame rape victims in Australia and elsewhere. Comments by such people don't establish anything.
michael mills wrote:The most likely reality is that O'Herne, along with a number of other young female internees, chose to work as a "hostess" rather than endure life in an internment camp, and afterwards felt so ashamed of her "cowardice" that she invented the story of multiple rapes as a form of psychological self-defence. It is entirely possible that now she fully believes the story she is telling.
That is certainly possible, but it’s just speculation. Where is the evidence? Why not accept her story at face value instead of constructing speculative alternatives without any evidence?

If she is to be doubted, it has to be established that there were grounds for a moderately privileged young woman with no experience of sex to volunteer to be a prostitute for the people who had deprived her and her family of their liberty and invaded the country in which they had lived for four generations, and moreover Asians when she was a Dutch colonist who weren't exactly noted for their sense of the equality of all peoples.

I don't care if O'Herne is exposed as a sham, but I want to see the evidence for it before I'll accept that she is a sham, deluded or deceitful. She's been in the public eye long enough for someone who knows she's making it up to have exposed her by now. As that hasn't happened, it suggests that her story is true.

Challenging her credibility without clear evidence is just repeating the common experience of rape victims that people don't want to believe them and that they are too often denied justice.

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#7

Post by michael mills » 18 Feb 2007, 11:44

The Dutch finding that 25 of the 35 girls there were forced into service is somewhat supported by the Japanese staff officer who closed the place down due to this reason.
That is one version of events. The other version is that the place was closed down due to lack of business, and had to be re-staffed with non-white women.

The first version seems hardly compatible with the thesis that the Japanese military forced 200,000 women into sexual slavery. If that was really the case, then it beggars belief that the same Japanese military would release 25 women from that bondage simply because it found out that they were unwilling recruits.

It seems to me quite feasible that Japanese soldiers, who had to pay a fee for their use of the services provided by "comfort women", would have been discontented with the attitude displayed by sullen, inexperienced young Dutch women, and would have preferred Asian professionals.

As for the nature of the postwar trial of 12 Japanese by the Netherlands colonial authorities, I can read between the lines when faced by a statement such as the following, from the passage posted by Peter H:
Of the 35 women at the officer’s club, 25 were found to have been forced into prostitution, but the tribunal could not determine who was responsible for the actual abductions since the local Indonesian officials were never called to testify, and found Okada guilty on the basis that Okada should have known no (or only a few) women would willingly have become prostitutes, so his orders for recruitment was equivalent to ordering a kidnapping.


The inference of the above is that Okada should have realised that no white woman would have consented to have sexual intercourse with ugly little yellow men with buck-teeth and squinty eyes (except for a few moral degenerates who, by definition, were not to be found among the colonial ruling class in the Netherlands East Indies), and hence the 25 Dutch women must have been forced to have such intercourse against their will, and he must have known that.

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#8

Post by michael mills » 18 Feb 2007, 12:00

Here is the relevant section from the link provided by Peter H to a review of the film "Paradise Road":
18. The incident on which the film scene is based took place soon after capture, in March 1942. The orchestra was not formed until several months later and thus could not have been a factor in the decisions made by the women propositioned for the club. An English woman with an "obvious overdose of sex" and fellow passenger on the Vyner Brooke acted as recruiting agent for the Japanese officers [27]. When she had limited success the Australian nurses were told to go to the club. The "club" was in fact an ordinary Dutch bungalow in Palembang, and for the fortnight they were under duress the nurses lived in the houses next door [28].

19. Fear of being compelled to provide sexual services for the Japanese distressed the nurses intensely. "We felt sick; we couldn’t eat", Betty Jeffery wrote [29]. As they waited, Veronica Clancy said, to hear the "steps of the loathsome creatures" on the gravel path, "Nights were just hell" [30]. Pressure was increased on the nurses when the Japanese cut off all food rations to the camp until the nurses complied. The nurses felt the same anger as the other women prisoners at their own lack of power and the same repugnance to be sex servants, and as women in the military they had additional worries. They were conscious of their duty not to assist the enemy, and by appearing to cooperate with the Japanese could have faced degrading enquiries and court charges in the after the war; they knew the Japanese as the soldiers who had inflicted terrible injuries on the Australians they had nursed in the crowded temporary hospitals of Malaya and Singapore and as the murderers of 21 of their fellow nurses on the beach; and they feared that even if they survived the experience and were not formally charged with any offence their personal and professional lives after the war would be destroyed. If things came to the worst, they wondered if an individual nurse could attach herself to a particular Japanese in the hope that he might protect her from the others, and if they could ensure silence among themselves as a group. When the Japanese told Sister Win Davis what she had to do or be killed, she said that she chose death. At the time it was not an unlikely alternative. If the nurses did not know the details of what had happened to the British nurses in St Stephens College Hospital, Hong Kong, they certainly had a general idea. On Singapore the nurses had heard a rumour that an officer had been detailed to shoot them to save them from "a fate worse than death". At the time one of the nurses had said, "I’ll risk it. Death is too permanent" [31]. Now at Palembang, one of the nurses, reflecting on the days before capture, said, "To think of all the times I said, ‘No’. A long pause. ‘I wish I hadn’t now’" [32]. Most of the captured men, still in contact with the women in the early weeks of imprisonment, were "useless ... indifferent". One of the leaders of the men’s camp suggested that they comply lest something happen to "us". The nurses were "speechless with horror" [33]. A priest told Veronica Clancy that she should just pray; she wanted more immediate and practical protection. The nurses thought that the other women should be warned of the dangers of venereal disease but one "old mission lady" literally ran when they mentioned VD [34]. Eventually a Dutch doctor, who had some freedom because of his profession and because he had been the Red Cross representative in Palembang, appealed to the head of the Japanese civil administration, and he told the Japanese military to abandon their "club" [35].

20. The concerted attempt of March 1942 to recruit women for the officers’ club was significant for the nurses, but many of those who joined the "satin sheet brigade" (or provided a quick sexual service under a bush) made their decisions at other times during internment. Even before the attempt to recruit women for the officers’ club some of the interned women were exchanging sex for cash or food and other supplies. That trade continued: some of the "girlfriends" or "free women" were given the privilege of living outside the camp. In the early months of imprisonment the women in the camp put pressure on those thought to be letting down the side, and to be in the "side" was to be British, white and virtuous, not a soprano or contralto. But many of the first women who chose to have sexual relationships with the Japanese had been prostitutes or had had a succession of sexual partners before capture, and many of them were Eurasian. Most were women who were least comfortable in the hierarchy of the camp and might have been keen to escape the intensely crowded conditions where they were likely to be constantly reminded, by word or gesture, of their lowly status. Later, the capacity of the "girlfriends" to provide information and life-saving medicines and to act as agents for other women wishing to sell watches, pens, jewellery or clothes to the Japanese changed the general attitude to some of them. But by then the camp virtues of resourcefulness, hard work, and not adding to the chorus of querulous whingeing had started to break down the values and barriers that the women had brought into camp with them.

21. In Paradise Road both the time and place of the attempt to persuade the women to serve in the officers’ club have been changed (from early 1942 to sometime in 1943, and from a nearby suburban bungalow to distant palatial building). These minor factual details are not of great significance. The change in timing, so that the incident occurs after the first rehearsals for the voice orchestra, has clearly been made to serve the structure of the film: the importance of the orchestra is increased and it becomes the link between events. What is more important is the simplification of a range of possible sexual transactions and threats. Women could trade sex for food and medicines when the alternative was death. They could sell sex for the benefit of children who might otherwise die. They could decide to sell sex for minor luxuries and freedom in the early days of imprisonment before malnutrition threatened health and when the prisoners had no idea whether their captivity would be brief or extended. They could establish a relationship with a particular guard or officer that might last over several months, or they might engage in brief encounters with one or several Japanese. They could, in spite of all the physical, social and mental barriers, form a romantic relationship with a Japanese man. And the question as to which women chose to have sexual relationships with the Japanese and the changing judgements that other women made about them raise important issues about men and women and women and women when the women face conditions of extreme vulnerability, fear and deprivation. Paradise Road reduces this multiplicity of sexual possibilities to the one choice at the one time [36].
The passage bears out what I wrote. The essential point is that a number of female civilian internees chose to have sexual relations with members of the Japanese military for various reasons. There is no inference that any of those women was raped, in any true sense of that word.

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#9

Post by caramut » 18 Feb 2007, 12:15

michael mills wrote:It seems to me quite feasible that Japanese soldiers, who had to pay a fee for their use of the services provided by "comfort women", would have been discontented with the attitude displayed by sullen, inexperienced young Dutch women, and would have preferred Asian professionals.
I think that depends on whether they just wanted sex and or the satisfaction of subjugating or humiliating one of the hated Western colonists who were representatives of the Western powers which had humiliated Japan and, in some Japanese eyes, forced it into war. Or maybe they wanted to realise fantasies about cross-ethnic sex.

Dutch women, sullen and inexperienced, might have been attractive candidates to some Japanese, for reasons beyond pure sexual satisfaction.

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#10

Post by caramut » 18 Feb 2007, 12:18

michael mills wrote:Here is the relevant section from the link provided by Peter H to a review of the film "Paradise Road":
18. The incident on which the film scene is based took place soon after capture, in March 1942. The orchestra was not formed until several months later and thus could not have been a factor in the decisions made by the women propositioned for the club. An English woman with an "obvious overdose of sex" and fellow passenger on the Vyner Brooke acted as recruiting agent for the Japanese officers [27]. When she had limited success the Australian nurses were told to go to the club. The "club" was in fact an ordinary Dutch bungalow in Palembang, and for the fortnight they were under duress the nurses lived in the houses next door [28].

19. Fear of being compelled to provide sexual services for the Japanese distressed the nurses intensely. "We felt sick; we couldn’t eat", Betty Jeffery wrote [29]. As they waited, Veronica Clancy said, to hear the "steps of the loathsome creatures" on the gravel path, "Nights were just hell" [30]. Pressure was increased on the nurses when the Japanese cut off all food rations to the camp until the nurses complied. The nurses felt the same anger as the other women prisoners at their own lack of power and the same repugnance to be sex servants, and as women in the military they had additional worries. They were conscious of their duty not to assist the enemy, and by appearing to cooperate with the Japanese could have faced degrading enquiries and court charges in the after the war; they knew the Japanese as the soldiers who had inflicted terrible injuries on the Australians they had nursed in the crowded temporary hospitals of Malaya and Singapore and as the murderers of 21 of their fellow nurses on the beach; and they feared that even if they survived the experience and were not formally charged with any offence their personal and professional lives after the war would be destroyed. If things came to the worst, they wondered if an individual nurse could attach herself to a particular Japanese in the hope that he might protect her from the others, and if they could ensure silence among themselves as a group. When the Japanese told Sister Win Davis what she had to do or be killed, she said that she chose death. At the time it was not an unlikely alternative. If the nurses did not know the details of what had happened to the British nurses in St Stephens College Hospital, Hong Kong, they certainly had a general idea. On Singapore the nurses had heard a rumour that an officer had been detailed to shoot them to save them from "a fate worse than death". At the time one of the nurses had said, "I’ll risk it. Death is too permanent" [31]. Now at Palembang, one of the nurses, reflecting on the days before capture, said, "To think of all the times I said, ‘No’. A long pause. ‘I wish I hadn’t now’" [32]. Most of the captured men, still in contact with the women in the early weeks of imprisonment, were "useless ... indifferent". One of the leaders of the men’s camp suggested that they comply lest something happen to "us". The nurses were "speechless with horror" [33]. A priest told Veronica Clancy that she should just pray; she wanted more immediate and practical protection. The nurses thought that the other women should be warned of the dangers of venereal disease but one "old mission lady" literally ran when they mentioned VD [34]. Eventually a Dutch doctor, who had some freedom because of his profession and because he had been the Red Cross representative in Palembang, appealed to the head of the Japanese civil administration, and he told the Japanese military to abandon their "club" [35].

20. The concerted attempt of March 1942 to recruit women for the officers’ club was significant for the nurses, but many of those who joined the "satin sheet brigade" (or provided a quick sexual service under a bush) made their decisions at other times during internment. Even before the attempt to recruit women for the officers’ club some of the interned women were exchanging sex for cash or food and other supplies. That trade continued: some of the "girlfriends" or "free women" were given the privilege of living outside the camp. In the early months of imprisonment the women in the camp put pressure on those thought to be letting down the side, and to be in the "side" was to be British, white and virtuous, not a soprano or contralto. But many of the first women who chose to have sexual relationships with the Japanese had been prostitutes or had had a succession of sexual partners before capture, and many of them were Eurasian. Most were women who were least comfortable in the hierarchy of the camp and might have been keen to escape the intensely crowded conditions where they were likely to be constantly reminded, by word or gesture, of their lowly status. Later, the capacity of the "girlfriends" to provide information and life-saving medicines and to act as agents for other women wishing to sell watches, pens, jewellery or clothes to the Japanese changed the general attitude to some of them. But by then the camp virtues of resourcefulness, hard work, and not adding to the chorus of querulous whingeing had started to break down the values and barriers that the women had brought into camp with them.

21. In Paradise Road both the time and place of the attempt to persuade the women to serve in the officers’ club have been changed (from early 1942 to sometime in 1943, and from a nearby suburban bungalow to distant palatial building). These minor factual details are not of great significance. The change in timing, so that the incident occurs after the first rehearsals for the voice orchestra, has clearly been made to serve the structure of the film: the importance of the orchestra is increased and it becomes the link between events. What is more important is the simplification of a range of possible sexual transactions and threats. Women could trade sex for food and medicines when the alternative was death. They could sell sex for the benefit of children who might otherwise die. They could decide to sell sex for minor luxuries and freedom in the early days of imprisonment before malnutrition threatened health and when the prisoners had no idea whether their captivity would be brief or extended. They could establish a relationship with a particular guard or officer that might last over several months, or they might engage in brief encounters with one or several Japanese. They could, in spite of all the physical, social and mental barriers, form a romantic relationship with a Japanese man. And the question as to which women chose to have sexual relationships with the Japanese and the changing judgements that other women made about them raise important issues about men and women and women and women when the women face conditions of extreme vulnerability, fear and deprivation. Paradise Road reduces this multiplicity of sexual possibilities to the one choice at the one time [36].
The passage bears out what I wrote. The essential point is that a number of female civilian internees chose to have sexual relations with members of the Japanese military for various reasons. There is no inference that any of those women was raped, in any true sense of that word.
I don't dispute that some women were more or less willing to become prostitutes for the Japanese, but there is still nothing to establish that O'Herne was one of them.

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#11

Post by alf » 18 Feb 2007, 12:50

I sometimes bemoan the fact, there are so few women on this forum. This topic would benefit from a female perspective. Especially on the objectification of women displayed here.

I see Michael dislikes Mrs O'Herne but offers nothing to justify his opinion that she is overly dramatic. Likewise his definition of rape seems extremely narrow. If a women "attached" herself to a Japanese Officer in order to survive, she did so for fear of her life. So any sexual act would not be consusel but governed by the fact the Officer held power of life and death over the woman. That power imbalance would constitute rape for most reasonable people. The test being would the woman have consented to sex if it was a normal social setting and not wartime, in an occupied country with an extremely brutal enemy.

Forrtunately there is a reasonable book on this subject, that interested parties might like to read by Yuki Tanaka Its called Japan's Comfort Women: Sexual Slavery and Prostitution During World War II and the US Occupation published in 2002. The book discusses the role of comfort women, the culture of the Japanese Military and the widespread use of women in forced prostitution across Japanese Occupied Territories.

caramut
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#12

Post by caramut » 18 Feb 2007, 12:54

alf wrote:I sometimes bemoan the fact, there are so few women on this forum. This topic would benefit from a female perspective. Especially on the objectification of women displayed here.

I see Michael dislikes Mrs O'Herne but offers nothing to justify his opinion that she is overly dramatic. Likewise his definition of rape seems extremely narrow. If a women "attached" herself to a Japanese Officer in order to survive, she did so for fear of her life. So any sexual act would not be consusel but governed by the fact the Officer held power of life and death over the woman. That power imbalance would constitute rape for most reasonable people. The test being would the woman have consented to sex if it was a normal social setting and not wartime, in an occupied country with an extremely brutal enemy.
Thanks for that.

I was about to write a turgid post which would have said in about ten paragraphs what you encapsulated in one.

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#13

Post by Peter H » 18 Feb 2007, 12:56

I'm sure that after 15 years exposure her credibility would have been challenged if she had freely participated,had been a "whore".After her stay of 3 months at the Club she was not willing to take up further opportunities later which is in fact the case.

A large number of the Dutch that came out to Australia after the war were former NEI colonialists.They have networks and survivors groups.Rumours at least,or exposure would have resulted.

As the link suggests:
...many of the first women who chose to have sexual relationships with the Japanese had been prostitutes or had had a succession of sexual partners before capture, and many of them were Eurasian...
Unworldly young Dutch girls brought up in Calvinistic households and still living with their family don't fit this description.

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#14

Post by caramut » 18 Feb 2007, 13:40

alf wrote:I sometimes bemoan the fact, there are so few women on this forum. This topic would benefit from a female perspective. Especially on the objectification of women displayed here.
Here's a very well informed women's view of the issue, which may be slow to load
http://www1.jca.apc.org/vaww-net-japan/ ... istsig.pdf

And one of many generalised commentaries on rape as weapon of war
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/in_depth/4078677.stm
Last edited by caramut on 18 Feb 2007, 13:41, edited 1 time in total.

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Peter H
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#15

Post by Peter H » 18 Feb 2007, 13:40

Interesting that Hata's account also mentions the Heiho(Indonesian Militia) being involved in this unsavoury episode.Most Dutch accounts of the internment camps mention both Japanese and Indonesian guards.

Interesting also that while Eurasians(Indo-Dutch) civilians were excluded from the camps, a lot of the Dutch colonalists had Indonesian blood somewhere back in their makeup.

A photo of a young O'Hearne can be found here:

http://www.awm.gov.au/alliesinadversity ... /women.asp

Attractive indeed but not the 100% Aryan type that would stir Dutch indignation if things were based on purely racial grounds(I've seen this dark,exotic trait in many descendants of the Dutch colonialists that live in Australia:blondes don't seem to exist among this community).My brother's mother in law was in such an internment camp.

Japanese compensation to the Dutch is discussed here as well:

http://www.jpri.org/publications/workin ... /wp84.html
In 1998, as a result of Jos Hagers’ December 9, 1992 newspaper article on the wartime forced prostitution of Dutch women in captivity, the Japanese government and private groups offered approximately 3500 guilders, or about $1500, to each of the 100 surviving Dutch women, but many rejected the payment because it was not accompanied by sufficient words of apology. In 2001, the Dutch government itself made a token ex-gratia payment of 3000 guilders, or just over $1200, to each survivor of Japanese internment, in recognition that the victims were not likely to collect anything from the Japanese government during their lifetimes.
The 2001 Dutch compensation was normally taken as a top to the Australian pension by the former NEI community in Australia.They are slowly disappearing now though.

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