Documents on the Nazi occupation of Poland 1939-1944

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Documents on the Nazi occupation of Poland 1939-1944

#1

Post by David Thompson » 18 Jul 2004, 02:36

This thread is dedicated to the sufferings of Poland during WWII. Here are a collection of documents, arranged chronologically and posted here for the convenience of researchers, relating to the Nazi occupation of that country. The documents were prosecution exhibits at the proceedings of the International Military Tribunal (IMT) against Dr. jur. Hans Frank at Nuernberg, and were extracted from the Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression set of volumes published by the US government. Here is part 1 of 3:
"Document 2537-PS: Decree of the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor concerning the Administration of the Occupied Polish Territories, 10/12/1939 [translation]", in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume V: Documents 2374-PS-3311-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1946. pp. 279-280.

1939 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, page 2077 Government General

1. Administration.

In order to restore and maintain public order and public life in the occupied Polish territories, I decree:

SECTION I. The territories occupied by German troops shall be subject to the authority of the Governor General of the occupied Polish territories, except in so far as they are incorporated within the German Reich.

SECTION 2.

(1) I appoint Reich Minister Dr. Frank as Governor General of the occupied Polish territories.

(2) As Deputy Governor General I appoint Reich Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart.

SECTION 3.

(1) The Governor General shall be directly responsible to me.

(2) All branches of the administration shall be directed by the Governor General.

SECTION 4. The laws at present in force shall remain in force. except in so far as they are in conflict with the taking over of the administration by the German Reich.

SECTION 5.

(1) The Cabinet Council for Reich Defense, the Commissioner for the Four-Year Plan, and the Governor General may legislate by decree.

(2) The decrees shall be promulgated in the Verordnungsblatt fuer die besetzten polnischen Gebiete.

SECTION 6. The Chairman of the Cabinet Council for Reich Defense and Commissioner for the Four-Year Plan, and also the supreme Reich authorities, may make the arrangements required for the planning of German life and the German economic sphere with respect to the territories subject to the authority of the Governor General.

SECTION 7.

(1) The cost of administration shall be borne by the occupied territory.

(2) The Governor General shall draft a budget. The budget shall require the approval of the Reich Minister of Finance.

SECTION 8.

(1) The central authority for the occupied Polish territories shall be the Reich Minister of the Interior.

(2) The administrative decrees required for the implementing and supplementing of the present decree shall be issued by the Reich Minister of the Interior.

SECTION 9.

(1) The present decree shall come into force as soon as and to the extent to which I withdraw the order given to the Commander in Chief of the Army for the exercise of military administration.

(2) Authority for the exercise of executive power shall be the subject of special provisions.

Berlin, 10/12/1939.

ADOLF HITLER Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor.
"Document 864-PS [translation]", in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume III: Documents 001-PS-1406-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp. 619-621.

TOP SECRET

Berlin, 10/20/1939 Only copy Written by officer 20 Oct. [illegible
initials]

Conference between the Fuehrer and Chief OKW on the future shape of Polish relations with Germany

(Evening of 10/17/1939)

1. The Armed Forces will welcome it if they can dispose of administrative questions in Poland.

On principle there cannot be 2 administrations.

2. Poland is to be made independent. She will neither be part of the German Reich nor a district administered by the Reich.

3. It is not the task of the Administration to make Poland into a model province or a model state of the German order or to put her economically or financially on a sound basis.

The Polish intelligensia must be prevented from forming a ruling class. The standard of living in the country is to remain low; we only want to draw labor forces from there. Poles are also to be used for the administration of the country. However, the forming of national political groups may not be allowed.

4. The administration has to work on its own responsibility and must not be dependent on Berlin. We don't want to do there what we do in the Reich. The responsibility does not rest with the Berlin Ministries since there is no German administrative unit concerned.

The accomplishment of this task will involve a hard racial struggle [Volkstumskampf] which will not allow any legal restrictions. The methods will be incompatible with the principles otherwise adhered to by us.

The Governor General is to give the Polish nation only bare living conditions and is to maintain the basis for military security.

5. In Cracow German officers have visited the Bishops. Prince Radziwill is owner of his huge estates [Latifundien].

These problems cannot be solved socially.

6. Our interests lie as follows: Precautions are to be taken that the territory is important to us from a military point of view as an advanced jumping-off point and can be used for strategic concentration of troops. To that end the railroads, roads, and the communications channels are to be kept in order and utilized for our purposes.

Any tendencies towards the consolidation of conditions in Poland are to be suppressed. The "Polish muddle" [polnische Wirtschaft] must be allowed to develop. The government of the territory must make it possible for us to purify the Reich territory from Jews and Polacks, too. Collaboration with new Reich provinces [Posen and West Prussia] only for resettlements (Compare Mission Himmler).

Purpose: Shrewdness and severity must be the maxims in this racial struggle in order to spare us from going to battle on account of this country again.

[illegible initials] 20 Oct.

W. [initialed by General Warlimont] 20 Oct.
"Document 2233-G-PS: Frank Diary, from 10/25-12/15/1939 [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp.

[Pages 6-7]

1230 hours. The governor general received Captain Benninghoff. The latter reported about the extensive reconstruction works on the bridges blown up by the Poles and pointed out that special engineer troops are occupied on rebuilding these bridges (at the present time still 25 units).

The governor general received the president of the police of Lodsch, SS-Lieut. General Beckerle.

Questions pertaining to the commitment of Police and civil service employees were discussed. Lieutenant General Beckerle pointed out that the former fear psychology present among the people had passed and that there were more Jews in Lodsch than before. This is one of the reasons for the continued deterioration of the food situation.

The Governor General received the district chief in Warsaw [Reichshauptamtsleiter] Dr. Fischer.

He discussed with him current questions, especially on the subject of finance and monopoly. Dr. Fischer was instructed to clear up the question of mayoralty in Warsaw, and to determine what amounts of copper and scrap metal are available. Dr. Fischer promises to secure 300 fur coats for the main office. The Governor General requested information concerning the diplomatic representation, who were still in Warsaw, and concerning the shooting of Jews other matters. Dr. Fischer reported also that there is a cable connection from Warsaw to Krakau and moreover there is a large cable supply at hand. Dr. Fischer was requested to set up border signs at the border of the general government

By spring 1 million Poles and Jews from East and West Posen, Danzig, Poland and Upper Silesia must be received by the general government. The resettlement of the ethnic Germans and the taking on of Poles and Jews (10000 daily) must be accomplished according to plan. Especially urgent is the instituting of forced labor for the Jews. The Jewish population if possible must be extracted from the Jewish cities and be put to work on roads. The critical questions of housing and feeding are still to be cleared up

[Page 19].11:00 o'clock.

The Governor General received SS Lieutenant General Krueger, General Becker, SS Brigadier General Streckenbach, and Lieutenant Colonel Gudewill.

Brigadier General Streckenbach reported:

The Reichsfuehrer SS wishes that all Jews be evacuated from the newly gained Reich territories. Up to February approximately 1 million people are to be brought in this way in to the general government. The families of good racial extraction present in the occupied Polish territory (approximately 4 million people) should be transferred into the Reich and individually housed and thereby be uprooted as a people. The deadline provided for the migration transport is the 15th of November. The Governor General points out that better and greater transport ways be made ready for both the West-East as well as the East-West movements. SS Lieutenant General Krueger explained that, starting 15 November, the entire railroad net of the general government will be at the disposal of the resettlement transports. The general governor gave SS Lieutenant General Krueger the assignments to organize these refugee transports.
Title: "Document 2233-K-PS: Frank Diary, Department Heads Meetings, 1939-1940 [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp. 905-906.

Protocol re the Conference of Department Heads, 12/2/1939.

[Page 1, lines 14-25]

Dr. Frank: That which is stated in the Reichsgesetzblatt is not applicable in the General Government, except when applied on the basis of the Fuehrer Decree of 10/12/1939. This means that the authority rests with the Chairman of the Ministerial Council for the Defense of the Reich and he will only use this authority with the consent of the Governor General. The final structure of the General Government is not yet known, even less does one know whether it will remain permanently as the General Government. Decisive in the administrative activities of the General Government is the will of the Fuehrer that this area shall be the first colonial territory of the German nation.

[Page 2, last 4 lines and page 3, lines 1-3]

Dr. Frank: Principally it can be said regarding the administration of the General Government: This territory in its entirety is booty of the. German Reich, and it thus cannot be permitted that this territory shall be exploited in its individual parts, but that the territory in its entirety shall be economically used, and its entire economic worth redound to the benefit of the German people.
"Document 2233-A-PS: Frank Diary, Meetings of Departmental Chiefs in 1939/40 [Abteilungsleitersitzungen 1939/40]: Minutes of the First Conference of the Departmental Chiefs on 12/2/1939 [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp. 883-885.

[Page 3, line 4-13]

The condemning to death of an archbishop and bishop gives cause to the fundamental observation that a total war against any kind of resistance is being waged in the Government General. The two bishops have been condemned quite rightly, because arms were found in their possession. If, despite that, they were pardoned to hard labor, then certain other considerations were the cause for that. Reports by the press concerning the shooting of Jews are not desirable because such reports would intimidate the Jews.
"Document 2233-A-PS: Frank Diary, Meetings of Departmental Chiefs in 1939/40 [Abteilungsleitersitzungen 1939/40]: Minutes of the First Conference of the Departmental Chiefs on 12/8/1939 [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp. 883-885.

Minutes of the 2nd conference of the Departmental Chiefs

12/8/1939.

[Page 4, par. 1 and 2]

The question of forced labor for the Jews could not be solved satisfactorily from one day to the other. Prerequisite for this would be the card indexing of the male Jews from 14-50 years of age. In this it had to be ascertained which trade the Jews had so far carried on, because just in those territories the Jews had had various skilled trades, and it would be a loss if this manpower would not be usefully exploited. To do this, sweeping planning is necessary. For the time being the Jews had to be gathered in columns and had to be employed wherever there was a pressing need. It is the task of the chief of the district to determine these needs.

The police was being reenforced by 4 police battalions. The commitment would be such that each government section was to receive one battalion. Moreover, it was ordered that the police battalions in the Gouvernment General would be relieved and interchanged from time to time with battalions from home. Already before Xmas the relief of 4 battalions would take place. No insecurity would result.

[Page 7, 2 last paragraphs]

Governor Dr. Lasch called attention to the fact that the order of the Governor General regarding the institution of compulsory work provided, that Poles from their 18th year upward were to be conscripted for compulsory labor. A regulation of the age groups from 14 to 18 would also be desirable. One should not neglect the danger that particularly the youth of this age group in high schools could become a source of national resistance

Governor General Reich Minister Dr. Frank orders the preparation of a supplementary decree, according to which the compulsory labor was to be extended to the age groups from 14 to 18.
Title: "Document 2233-B-PS: Frank Diary, 1940 First Volume., 1-3/1940, [translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp.

Thursday, January 11th, 1940

[Page 18, 3rd paragraph]

1520 Section Chief Dr. Frauendorfer reports to the Governor General on the possibilities and the extent of the transport of workers into the Reich. The German State Railway sends daily 10 transports, each carrying 1000 workers. Beginning with January 15, these transports, which were stopped temporarily will be taken up again.

In regard to the project of re-settlement, it should be avoided, that it be carried out further in the brutal manner which has prevailed up till now, because otherwise it is to be feared that people will not volunteer any more to go into the Reich, and also because of the way in which the re-settlement is carried out, the possibility of using these people in the Reich will be impaired. As an extra allowance for the unemployment pay the Reich Ministry for labor has held out the prospect of an additional sum of 3 million Reichmarks a month.
Title: "Document 2233-L-PS: FRANK DIARY, Frank Diary, Department Heads Meetings 1939-1940 Conference of Department Heads, 1/19/1940 [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. p. 906.

[Page 11, last line; page 12, lines 1-6 and 16-19]

Dr. Frank: My relationship with the Poles is like the relationship between ant and plant louse. When I treat the Poles in a helpful way, so to speak tickle them in a friendly manner, then I do it in the expectation that their work performance redounds to my benefit. This is not a political but a purely tactical-technical problem In cases where in spite of all these measures the performance does not increase, or where the slightest act gives me occasion to step in, I would not even hesitate to take the most draconic action.
Title: "Document 2233-B-PS: Frank Diary, 1940 First Volume., 1-3/1940, [translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp.

[Pages 183-184]

3/6/1940

Cracow Wednesday,

10:00 Conference with Ministerial-Director Dr. Buchler.

10:50 Conference with bank-director Dr. Paerscl.

11:00 Conference with Reichshauptamtsleiter Dr. Frauendorfer.

Reichshauptamtsleiter Dr. Frauendorfer reports, that 73,000 Polish workers have been sent now into the Reich. At present 4,000 men are transferred daily. Further, Dr. Frauendorfer reports on the organization in the plants. It is as simple as possible.

On Monday, he visited a few plants in Warsaw, and he could only say that they all were running excellently, this applies also to the machinery. Kitchens were also installed everywhere now and furthermore, the necessary quantities of soap had been provided. 5,000 sets of underwear and linen, 32,000 Kg. flour, 4,000 Kg. of beef and of pork and other merchandise had been distributed. The Governor-General ordered that the exact figures should be published in the press. Now, as before, he thinks that the soup given out daily was one of the best solutions, for the problem of the welfare for the working men.

Reichshauptamtsleiter Dr. Frauendorfer remarks that this soup is being served daily now with one pound of bread.

The Governor-General will not out of basic considerations give his consent to the proposal that an introductory note should be added to the 2nd decree for the regulation of social insurance, but he thinks it better to point out in a suitable way, that the chief of the labor section has given an explanation about it to the press chief.

In this conference the question of the sending of Polish agricultural workers into the Reich was then discussed. Here, Dr. Frauendorfer points out that workmen from the Lublin area had never gone to the Reich before, from which naturally certain difficulties arise. Besides numerous letters from the agricultural workers to their families had already come from the Reich, in which the Polish agricultural workers expressed themselves very gratefully concerning their treatment in Germany. The Governor-General orders that some of these letters should be published in the press.
Title: "Document 2233-B-PS: Frank Diary, 1940 First Volume., 1-3/1940, [translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp.

3/7/1940

Citadel of Cracow

1645 Conference with SS Brigadier General Schreckenbach

1650 Attache Dr. Albers is introduced by Councillor of Legation v. Grolinan to the Governor General

1700 Conference with Brigadier General Buehrmann, Stabsleiter Reichert, Reichhauptamtsleiter Dr. Frauendorfer, and 2 special advisors.

Subject of the discussion is the question of the shipment of Polish agricultural workers into the Reich.

Brigadier General Buehrmann started by saying that Stabsleiter Reichert has been appointed by the Reich Food Ministry, to make sure, that Polish workers would be sent into the Reich under all circumstances, and if necessary a compulsory service should be enforced upon them. Brigadier General Buehrmann would like to recommend, that the Governor General for the time being does not make any decision for the introduction of a compulsory service or employment of force against the Polish agricultural workers.

Stabsleiter Reichert emphasizes that Berlin insists that the one million agricultural workers be sent into the Reich.

Reichshauptamsleiter Dr. Frauendorfer replies to a question I of the Governor General, that so far 81,477 Polish agricultural workers were sent into the Reichof which 56,721 were men, and 24,756 women.

Since 12 February, 154 special trains have been sent off, that was the utmost that could have been accomplished in this time. To these figures just mentioned are to be added 42,000 workers, who had been already in the Reich so that the amount is increased to 130,000.

The Governor General has the opinion, that the 480000 prisoners of war should also be included in the sum of one million. On account of the railroad and the highway conditions, it is not at present possible to do anything by force, also there were not sufficient police forces there at disposal, to carry such measures out. If any force were exercised, then it would affect workers who were employed as specialized workers for the plants.

Stabsleiter Reichert asks if the occasion arises that superior offices should make the decision in this question.
Title: "Document 2233-M-PS: Frank Diary, Department Head Meetings 1939-1940: Meeting of Department Heads in the Bergakademie, Friday 3/8/1940 [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp. 906-907.

[Page 5, lines 25-26; page 6, lines 1-8]

Frank: One thing is certain. The authority of General Government as the representative of the Fuehrer and the will of the Reich in this territory is certainly strong, and I have always emphasized that I would not tolerate the misuse of this authority. I have allowed this to be known anew at every office in Berlin, especially after Herr Field Marshal Goering on 2/12/1940 from Karin Hall had forbidden all Administrative Offices of the Reich, including the Police and even the Wehrmacht, to interfere in administrative matters of the General Government

[Page 7, lines 22-28; page 8, lines 1-5].

There is no authority here in General Government which is higher as to rank, influence, and authority than that of the Governor General. Even the Wehrmacht has no governmental or official functions of any kind in this connection; it has only security functions and general military duties it has no political power whatsoever. The same applies here to the Police and SS.

There is here no state within a state, but we are the representatives of the Fuehrer and of the Reich. In final conclusion, this applies also to the Party, which has here no far-reaching influence, except for the fact that very old members of the National Socialist Party and loyal veterans of the Fuehrer take care of the general matters

[Page 13, lines 28-30; page 14, lines 1-8].

Wherever there is the least attempt by the Poles to start anything, an enormous campaign of destruction directed against the Poles will follow. Then I would not hesitate to set up a regime of terror with all its consequences. I have issued the order to place under arrest for three months several hundred members of such secret organizations, so that nothing can happen in the immediate future. The last word of the Fuehrer at my departure was: See to it that there is absolute peace over there, I cannot allow anything to disturb peace in the East. I will see to it.
Title: "Document 2233-B-PS: Frank Diary, 1940 First Volume., 1-3/1940, [translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp.

3/12/1940

[Page 198, lines 15-22]

Governor General Dr. Frank: In view of the propaganda in the USA any use of force should if possible be avoided, but a light pressure could be exerted by stopping the payment of unemployment relief, for those categories which are concerned at all, at any rate agriculture should not send back young, strong workers, just because they were unskilled.

Reichsobmann Behrendt: The Agriculture needs skilled as well as unskilled workers. One unskilled worker could be employed for each two skilled workers.
Title: "Document 2233-B-PS: Frank Diary, 1940 First Volume., 1-3/1940, [translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp.

3/15/1940

[Page 216]

Conference with ambassador in Wuehlisch.

18:30: Ambassador v. Wuehlisch reports that the preparations for the transport of the Vert Stoss Altar to Nurnberg have been completed. The church really looked better, due to the space gained by the removal of the altar. Ambassador v. Wuehlisch reported furthermore, that the former ambassador Wysoski had asked again for an audience with the Governor-General. The Ambassador v. Ruemelin had been asked to make a request that he be taken into the service of the Government-General.

[Page 216, last 12 lines.]

The question of the Polish relief committee the Security service wrote to Mr. Arlt, and pointed out, that the head of this organization Count Radziwill, participated in Silesian revolt, that he supported Korfanty and that he also was supposed to have disloyal remarks about the Reich.
The ambassador v. Wuehlisch asked Arlt, to proceed very carefully in this matter, before expelling Count Radziwill from the relief committee because such a procedure might have disagreeable consequences.

Under any circumstances, the consent of the Governor-General would be necessary for this.

The so-called Polish Government in anger has completed a "White Book" which deals with the arch-diocese of Posen and Suesen. The governor General said that he discussed this question with the Papal Nuncio in Berlin. He gathered from this conversation that a great deal was said about the treatment of the churches and apparently it was attempted to push many things off into the government general, for which it was not at all responsible.

Ambassador v. Wuehlisch thinks it worth while that those and similar questions be discussed in Berlin. Such negotiatiOns would have to be handled through the foreign office.

The Governor General said that he had long conferences with the Ministry of Finance and with the representatives of the Reich Food Ministry. It was requested there very urgently, that the Polish agricultural workers be sent in greater quantities to the Reich. In Berlin he explained that if he were asked to do so, he could naturally exercise some compulsion in perhaps such a way, that he might have the police surround a village and bring out the men and women in question by force, and then send them to Germany. But besides these police measures one also could proceed by withholding unemployment relief for the workers in question. Ambassador v. Wuehlisch discussed then certain violations of the border which occurred at the Soviet frontier. By request of the Reich Minister of Finance and by request of the Armed Forces High Command representation had been made in Moscow evidently for the reason that the Soviet border guards always employed their firearms immediately. It was suggested that such incidents be straightened out right away on the spot.

The deputy foreign commissar Potemkin suggested that liaison officers should be appointed by both sides for this purpose. The liaison staff Russia should serve as central office.

The Governor General does not consider this method practicable and he feels that here also the Government General should be unhindered, he requested that the ambassador v. Wuehlisch confer on this question with the Secretary of state Dr. v. Wuehlisch. This question did not only concern the Wehrmacht but also for example the customs administration, for this reason representatives of the Ministry of Finance must also cooperate in this matter.

Ambassador v. Wuehlisch draws attention to the fact that the customs officials are subordinated to the Wehrmacht.

The Governor General points out, that a superior office would not make any decision. In this matter the decision would be up to him. For the time being one must try to reach the goal by employing different means. For instance letters might be published, that were sent from the Reich, written by Polish workers to their families. If the occasion arises, such compulsory decree should not be announced publicly.

Reichshauptamtsleiter Dr. Frauendorfer confirms, on the basis of his experiences, that in many cases there was no possibility of employing recruiters from the Reich. On account of the snowfall, the passenger cars could not be used, and by using field sleighs, the recruiters could have travelled not more than 60 km. daily. Also, the Warsaw district was never really an emigration-area for Polish agricultural workers.

It has to be observed, that unfortunately the agricultural workers have medical certificates or statements made out by the words, which purport to say that they are not fit for service. Other workers took refuge into the woods. Often complaints were expressed, that the words did not
support the action sufficiently, and cases have been observed, where official labor measures, had been intentionally violated. Besides, the activity of the recruiter can not be without danger; just some time ago, one of these German officers was fired upon. Also the fact should be noted; that of 800 workers, which were already assigned, only 69 reported to the station.

All that could be traced back to the fact that the rural population is affected by a psychosis of anxiety, without mentioning the fact that the Poles might have organized themselves well in the meantime.

The-Governor General is not at all disinclined to take the most extreme measures. But then, the authority of the Reich would have to be fully utilized, but as long as there is snow on the ground, any change in this situation can not be contemplated.
"Document 2233-N-PS: Frank Diary, 4-6/1940, Second Volume [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp.

1245 Discussion with State Secretary Dr. Buehler, SS Lieutenant general Krueger and Reichshauptamtsleiter Dr. Frauendorfer in presence of Reich Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart.

Subject of the discussion is the sending of workers, particularly agricultural workers into the Reich.

Reichshauptamtsleiter Dr. Frauendorfer reports, that so far about 160,000 agricultural workers and about 50,000 industrial workers have been sent to the Reich, however, in total there should be 500,000. It is to be hoped that there would yet be enough voluntary enlistments.

The governor-general stated that the fact that all means in form of proclamations etc. did not bring success, leads to the conclusion that the Poles out of malevolence, and guided by the intention of harming Germany by not putting themselves at its disposal, refuse to enlist for working-duty. Therefore, he asks Dr. Frauendorfer if there are any other measures, not as yet employed, to win the Poles on a voluntary basis.

Reichshauptamtsleiter Dr. Frauendorfer answered this question negatively.

The General Governor emphasized the fact that he now wi!l be asked to take a definite attitude toward this question. Therefore the question will arise whether any form of coercive measures should now be employed.

The question put by the general governor to SS lieutenant general Krueger: does he see possibilities of calling Polish workers by coercive means, is answered in the affirmative by SS lieutenant general Krueger.

So far as he knows another 300000 Polish workers should be sent into the Reich, and it will be possible to fill this request once the working-duty decree has gone into effect.

Reichshauptamtsleiter Dr. Frauendorfer suggests to begin by issuing orders to report for certain age groups and to wait for the result of this measure. However, some difficulties will be encountered as it is not known where to send these orders to report. There might be the possibility of getting the co-operation of the Woids. It is important, however, that the workers of large cities be recruited and there the difficulties will naturally be particularly great.

The general governor is willing to agree to any practical measure, however, he wishes to be informed personally about the measures to be taken. One measure, which no doubt would be successful, would be the discontinuance of unemployment compensation for unemployed workers and their transfer to public welfare. Therefore, he decrees that, beginning 1 May, claim for unemployment compensation will cease to exist and only public welfare may be granted. For the time being only men are to report and above those men living in cities. There might be a
possibility of combining the moving of the 120000 Poles from the Warthe district with this measure.

Reich Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart mentions that not many of the Polish workers are left in the Warthe district who would be qualified to be sent to the Reich. All those who are fit for work are already being sent to the Reich. Those capable of assimilation are going to the Reich with their families anyway. Of those not capable of assimilation only useful men are being chosen.

The general governor closes the discussion by saying that guiding directions are now given. The officials involved must work out the details by themselves. Wherever the labor section does not succeed, the police must act.
"Document 2233-A-PS: Frank Diary, Meetings of Departmental Chiefs in 1939/40 [Abteilungsleitersitzungen 1939/40]: Minutes of the First Conference of the Departmental Chiefs on 5/10/1940 [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp. 883-885.

Meeting of Departmental Chiefs at the Bergakademie (Academy for mines).

Friday, 5/10/1940

[Page 23, par. 1]

Then the Governor General deals with the problem of the Compulsory Labor Service of the Poles. Upon the demands from the Reich it has now been decreed that compulsion may be exercised in view of the fact that sufficient manpower was not voluntarily available for service inside the German Reich. This compulsion means the possibility of arrest of male and female Poles. Because of these measures a certain disquietude had developed which according to individual reports, was spreading very much, and which might produce difficulties everywhere. General Fieldmarshal Goering some time ago pointed out in his long speech the necessity to deport into the Reich a million workers. The supply so far was 160000. However, great difficulties had to be overcome. Therefore it would be advisable to consult the district and town chiefs in the execution of the compulsion, so that one could be sure from the start that this action would be reasonably successful. The arrest of young Poles when leaving church service or the cinema would bring about an ever-increasing nervousness of the Poles. Generally speaking, he had no objections at all if the rubbish, capable of work yet often loitering about, would be snatched from the streets. The best method for this, however, would be the organization of a raid, and it would be absolutely justifiable to stop a Pole in the street and to question him what he was doing, where he was working, etc.
"Document 2233-C-PS: Frank Diary, 1940: Volume IV, 10-12/1940 [Partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp.

[Page 943, 4th-6th lines]

The Governor-General then addresses the assembly with the following words:

My dear Comrades!

[Page 946, lines 1-3, 21-30]

There are so few of us here that no one can actually really conceal himself. Everybody has to fear that the spotlight will now and then rest on him

It is clear that education will perhaps still be necessary here and there; furthermore, it is clear that this open minded comradeship, this common spirit of close contact finds its counter-part in the unstinted observation of authority in inner office relations. We cannot permit the offices to become 5 o'clock tea rooms. But, of course, our position as Germans here must be such that the lowest of us is still far above the highest Pole in this room

[Page 1158, 2nd par. to p. 1159 4th line]

And another thing was told me by the Fuehrer in all seriousness, a few days ago: that the old Japanese proverb- after the war tighten your helmet strap should retain its validity. Comrades, never again shall we be a weak Reich. The Armed Forces will represent the crown of community education. Just as the NSDAP is the crown of social, political and ideological leadership, so the Armed Forces will be the essence of military training, of the proud and immaculate bearing of our people. And you can say: you took part in it as soldiers. I am very happy about this hour of the Armed Forces, for it joins us all together. Some of you left your mothers, your parents at home, others their wives, their brides, their brothers. their children.

In all these weeks, they will be thinking of you, saying to themselves: my God, there he sits in Poland where there are so many lice and Jews, perhaps he is hungry and cold, perhaps he is afraid to write. It would not be a bad idea then to send our dear ones back home a picture, and tell them: well now, there are not so many lice and Jews any more, and conditions here in the Government General have changed and improved somewhat already. Of course, I could not eliminate all lice and Jews in only one year's time. (public amused) But in the course of time, and above all, if you help me, this end will be attained. After all, it is not necessary for us to accomplish everything within a year and right away, for what would otherwise be left for those who follow us to do?
Last edited by David Thompson on 19 Oct 2004, 22:34, edited 1 time in total.

David Thompson
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Post by David Thompson » 18 Jul 2004, 02:45

Part 2:
"Document 2233-O-PS: Frank Diary, Department Heads Meetings 1939-1940 [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. p. 909.

Warsaw, 12/19/1940 present: Dr. Hans FRANK and others

[Page 12, last 7 lines, and page 13, first 2 lines].

Dr. Frank: In this country the force of a. determined leadership must rule. The Pole must feel here that we are not building him a legal state, but that for him there is only one duty, namely, to work and to behave himself. It is clear that this leads sometimes to difficulties, but you must in your own interest see, that all measures are ruthlessly carried out in order to become master of the situation. You can rely on me absolutely in this.
Title: "Document 2233-H-PS: Frank Diary 4/19/1941, Volume II [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp. 904-905.

[Page 313]

8 PM Demonstration of the department of operations (Arbeitsbereichs) "Generalgouvernement" of the NSDAP in the Uraniol in Cracow.

After a short welcome speech by the Chief Department leader (Oberbereichsleiter) Schalk, the Governor General (Generalgoverneur), Reichsleiter Dr. Frank begins to deliver the following address:

[Pages 316-317]

We are absolutely optimistic (Lively applause). I have the impression that the German Reich will always become greater and will keep growing ever more in the final fight against England. The Greater German Reich is by far not the greatest German Reich. The task we have here must move us to think always in terms of the greatest connections. Let us be on guard not to let enter here the petty currents and tendencies which are not yet completely overcome at times here and there in the Reich, in spite of all consciousness of unity. It would be senseless, if one would start to feel superior and arrogantly assume to be higher than the other one, in our Government General. There the value of the German as such is the yardstick. And here the NSDAP, the department of operations [Arbeitsbereich] in the Government General can set up a model. The revolution of National Socialism can gain the original power of its fighting energy again and again only from territories like the one which we organize here. I have to watch myself like a hawk that the finger of egoism do not get hold of me in a more or less hidden form. I have to watch like a hunter that those individual cases of departmental competence craze and self-styled glory do not develop here which we often felt were the most vicious evil in the Reich. (lively applause)

It is therefore clear that I sit in my castle like an old rapacious knight and sometimes step out, in order to strike with my hammer all around the country. After all, it would be a nice state of affairs if I would not do that. (public amused)

And, therefore, I believe it is always in order for us that we find the great line of direction remembering the personality of the Fuehrer, his own philosophy, and his conduct of life. We have all possibilities in the Government General, we have received full powers from the Fuehrer and can accomplish, by planning on a large scale, that has been assigned to us. Thanks to the heroic courage of our soldiers, this territory has become German, and the time will come when
the valley of the Vistula, from its source to its mouth at the sea, will be as German as the valley of the Rhine.
Title: "Document 2233-P-PS: Frank Diary 1941 Part III: 9/9/1941 [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. p. 909.

[Page 830, par. 1]

Obermedizinalrat Dr. Walbaum expresses his opinion of the health condition of the Polish population. Investigations which were carried out by his department proved that the majority of Poles eat only about 600 calories, whereas the normal requirement for a human being is 2200 calories. The Polish population was enfeebled to such an extent that it would fall an easy prey to spotted fever. The number of diseased Poles amounted today already to 4O/G. During the last week alone 1000 new spotted fever cases have been officially recorded. That represented so far the maximum number. This health situation represented a serious danger for the Reich and for the soldiers who were coming into the Government General. A spreading of the pestilence into the Reich is absolutely feasible. The increase in tuberculosis, too, was causing anxiety. If the food rations were to be diminished again, an enormous increase of the number of illnesses could be predicted.
Title: "Document 2233-D-PS: Frank Diary, 1940: Volume IV, 10-12/1940 [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp.

CABINET SESSION Tuesday 12/16/1941 in the Government Building at Krakow

Speech of the Governor General Closing the Session

[Page 76, line 10 to page 77 line 33] As far as the Jews are concerned, I want to tell you quite frankly, that they must be done away with in one way or another. The Fuehrer said once: should united Jewry again succeed in provoking a world-war, the blood of not only the nations, which have been forced into the war by them, will be shed, but the Jew will have found his end in Europe. I know, that many of the measures carried out against the Jews in the Reich, at present, are being criticized. It is being tried intentionally, as is obvious from the reports on the morale, to talk about cruelty, harshness, -etc. Before I continue, I want to beg you to agree with me on the following formula: We will principally have pity on the German people only, and nobody else in the whole world. The others, too had no pity on us. As an old National-Socialist, I must say: This war would only be a partial success, if the whole lot of Jewry would survive it, while we would have shed our best blood in order to save Europe. My attitude towards the Jews will, therefore, be based only on the expectation that they must disappear. They must be done away with. I have entered negotiations to have them deported to the East. A great discussion concerning that question will take place in Berlin in January, to which I am going to delegate the State-Secretary Dr. Buehler. That discussion is to take place in the Reich-Security Main-Office with SS-Lt. General Heydrich. A great Jewish migration will begin, in any case.

But what should be done with the Jews? Do you think they will be settled down in the "Ostland", in villages [Siedlungdoerfer]? This is what we were told in Berlin: Why all this bother? We can do nothing with them either in the "Ostland" or in the "Reichkommissariat". So, liquidate them yourself.

Gentlemen, I must ask you to rid yourself of all feeling of pity. We must annihilate the Jews, wherever we find them and wherever it is possible, in order to maintain there the structure of the Reich as a whole. This will, naturally, be achieved by other methods, than those pointed out by Bureau Chief Dr. Hummel. Nor can the judges of the Special Courts be made responsible for it, because of the limitations of the frame work of the legal procedure. Such outdated views cannot be applied to such gigantic and unique events. We must find at any rate, a way which leads to the goal, and my thoughts are working in that direction.

The Jews represent for us also extraordinarily malignant gluttons. We have now approximately 2.5 million of them in the general government, perhaps with the Jewish mixtures and everything that goes with it, 3.5 million Jews. We cannot shoot or poison those 3.5 million Jews, but we shall nevertheless be able to take measures, which will lead, somehow, to their annihilation, and this in connection with the gigantic measures to be determined in discussions from the Reich. The general government must become free of Jews, the same as the Reich. Where and how this is to be achieved is a matter for the offices which we must appoint and create here. Their activities will be brought to your attention in due course.


"Document 2233-Q-PS: Frank Diary, Government Meetings, 10-12/1941: Meeting of the Government of General Government Cracow, in the Government Building, 12/16/1941 [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp. 909-910.

[Page 35, line 22-29]

Dr. Frank: Severe measures must and will be adopted against Jews leaving the ghettos. Death sentences opening against Jews for this reason must be executed as quickly as possible. This order according to which every Jew found outside the ghetto is to be executed, must be carried out without fail.

[Page 66, lines 13-22].

Chief of Office in Warsaw, Dr. Hummel: In Warsaw, in spite of the setting up of a third court chamber, we have been able to decree only 45 death sentences, only 8 of which have been carried out since in each individual case, the Pardon Commission [Gnadenkommission] in Cracow has to make the final decision. A further 600 sentences were demanded and are under consideration. An effective isolation of the ghetto is not possible by way of the Special Court Procedure. The procedure to be followed up to liquidation takes too much time. It is burdened with too many formalities and must be simplified.
"Document 2233-R-PS: Frank Diary, 1942, Part I: Conference of the District Standartenfuehrer of the NSDAP in Cracow, 3/18/1942 [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp.

[Pages 185-186]

Dr. Frank: As you know, I am a fanatic as to unity in administration It is therefore clear that the Higher SS and Police Leader is subordinated to me, that the Police is a component of the Government, that the SS and Police Leader in the district is subordinated to the Governor, and that the Kreis chief has the authority of command over the gendarmerie in his Kreis. This the Reichsfuehrer SS has recognized; in the written agreement all these points are mentioned word for word and signed. It is also self-evident that we cannot set up a closed shop here which can be treated in the traditional manner of small states. It would, for instance, be ridiculous if we would build up here a security policy of our own against our Poles in the country, while knowing that the Polacks in West Prussia, in Posen, in Wartheland and in Silesia have one and the same movement of resistance. The Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the German Police thus must be able to carry out with the aid of his agencies his police measures concerning the interests of the Reich as a whole. This, however, will be done in such a way that the measures to be adopted will first be submitted to me and carried out only when I give my consent. In the General Government, the Police is the armed forces. As a result of this, the Leader of this Police system will be called by me into the Government of the General Government; he is subordinate to me, or to my deputy, as a State Secretary for the Security System.

[Pages 195-196]

Incidentally, the struggle for the achievement of our aims will be pursued cold bloodedly. You see how the state agencies work. You see that we do not hesitate before anything, and stand whole dozens of people up against the wall. This is necessary because here simple consideration says that it cannot be our task at this period when the best German blood is being sacrificed to show regard for the blood of another race. For out of this one of the greatest dangers may arise. One already hears today in Germany that prisoners-of-war for instance with us in Bavaria or in Thuringia are administering large estates entirely independently, while all the men in a village fit for service are at the front. If this state of affairs continues then a gradual retrogression of Germanism will show itself. One should not underestimate this danger. Therefore, everything revealing itself as a Polish power of leadership must be destroyed again and again with ruthless energy. This does not have to be shouted abroad, it will happen silently.
"Document 2233-S-PS: Frank Diary, 1942, Part III [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. p. 911.

[Page 798, lines 26-28]

Mass Meeting of the NSDAP District Standartsfuehrung Galicia in Lemberg. 8/1/1942.

Dr. Frank: We have to understand that the purpose of this whole war is to expand the living space for our people in a natural manner.
"Document 2233-T-PS: Frank Diary, 1942, Part III: Meeting To Discuss Special Problems Of The District Lublin Cracow, 8/4/1942 [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp.

[Page 830, lines 23-32 and page 831, line 1]

State Secretary Krueger then continues, saying that the Reichsfuehrer's next immediate plan until the end of the following year would be to settle the following German racial groups in the two districts (Zamosc and Lublin): 1000 peasant settlements (1 settlement per family of about 6) for Bosnian Germans; 1,200 other kinds of settlements; 1,000 settlements for Bessarabian Germans; 200 for Serbian Germans; 2,000 for Leningrad Germans; 4,000 for Baltic Germans; 500 for Wolhynia Germans and 200 settlements for Flemish, Danish and Dutch Germans, in all 10,000 settlements for 50,000-60,000 persons.

[Page 832, lines 15-23]

The Governor General directs that the resettlement plan is to be discussed cooperatively by the competent authorities and declares his willingness to approve the final plan by the end of September after satisfactory arrangements had been made concerning all the questions appertaining thereto (in particular the guaranteeing of peace and order), so that by the middle of November, as the most favorable time, the resettlement can begin.
"Document 2233-V-PS: Frank Diary, 1942, Part III: Official Meeting of Political Leaders of the NSDAP, Cracow, 8/5/1942 [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. p. 912.

[Page 866, lines 14-23]

Dr. Frank: The situation in regard to Poland is unique insofar as on the one hand I speak quite openly we must expand Germanism in such a manner that the area of the General Government becomes pure German colonized land at some decades to come; and, on the other hand, under the present war conditions we have to allow foreign racial groups to perform here the work which must be carried out in the service of greater Germany

[Page 896, lines 24-28]

What a dirty people made up of Jews swaggered around here before 1939! And where are the Jews today? You scarcely see them. If you see them then they are working.
"Document 2233-W-PS: Frank Diary, 1942, Part III: Discussion with Gauleiter Sauckel, Cracow, 8/18/1942 [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp. 912-13.

[Page 918, lines 18-21]

Dr. Frank: I am pleased to report to you officially, Party Comrade Sauckel, that we have up to now supplied 800000 workers for the Reich.

[Page 918, lines 28-34]

Dr. Frank: Recently, they have requested us to supply them with a further 140000. I have pleasure in informing you officially that in accordance with our agreement of yesterday 60 of the newly requested workers will be supplied to the Reich by the end of October, and the balance of 40 by the end of the year.

[Page 920, lines 6-10]

Dr. Frank: Beyond the present figure of 140000 you can, however, next year reckon upon a higher number of workers from the General Government. For we shall employ the Police to conscript them.
"Document 2233-E-PS: Frank Diary, Conference Volume, Cabinet session in Cracow on 8/24/1942 Cabinet session in the Great Conference Room of the Government Building in Cracow Monday, 8/24/1942, Part 01 [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp.

Subject: A new Plan for seizure and for food [Ernaehrung] of the General Gouvernement

written in 3 Copies: 1. Office of the Governor General 2. State Secretary Dr. Boepple 3. District Court Judge [Oberlandesgerichtsrat] Dr. Weh

List of those present at the session of 8/24/1942

The Governor General, State Secretary Krueger, State Secretary Dr. Boepple, General Becker, Schoengarth, Kobusch, Dr. Wendler, Dr. Siebert, Dr. Radtke, Plodeck, Tetzner, Naumann, Dr. Eissfeldt, Dr. Gschliesser, Ohlenbusch, Watzke, Bauder, Gerteis, Dr. Breithaupt, Dr. Paersch, Dr. Weh , Dr. Schulte-Wissermann, Dr. Wohlrab, Naumann, Dr. Behr, Bette, Rauber, Eden Neumann, Dr. Zeisner, Winkler, Grafmann, Gareis, Dr. Odenthal, Pietschmann, Krahmer, Schubert, Colonel Fischer, Reitz, Major Dr. Herrmann, Capt. Behringer, Verwaltungsrat Korff, Von Dazur, Vogel, Dr. Ness, Topf, Blauer

Beginning of the Session at 4 p.m.

The Governor General opens the meeting with the following words:

Gentlemen, I have called you together today with special speed and emphasis in order to acquaint you with a measure which is unusually important and decisive for all the work in the General Government in the year to come. What I tell you, I tell you in strictest confidence. I call your attention to the fact that every word which leaks out of this meeting, unofficially, might mean a tremendous damage to our country.

A few days ago a meeting with the Reich Marshal took place in Berlin. The Reich Marshal had the reports concerning the almost catastrophic developments in the food situation in Germany. According to all confidential reports of the police, as well as of the Gauleiter, which, as he expressed himself, also confirmed by his own experiences, the situation is as follows: unless a considerable improvement in the food situation in Germany can be achieved in a short time, serious consequences as to the health of the people, especially the German working people, would result. In hundreds of thousands of sick cases, one can already see the tragic consequences not only of this food shortage but also a deterioration of foodstuffs which endangers health. That is especially true of the quality of bread which has been distributed to the German people within the last few weeks: this leads to the most serious health disorders.

A serious situation, therefore, has arisen since Germany not on!v has to feed herself but also a large proportion of other European people. We must also take care that in the months to come and during the coming winter sufficient food will be distributed to the German people that
they will be able to withstand the great nervous strain of the coming months in every case.

Under these circumstances you probably will not be surprised that the saying now has become true: Before the German people are to experience starvation, the occupied territories and their people shall be exposed to starvation. In this movement, therefore, we here in the General Government must also have the iron determination to help the Great German people, our fatherland.

Germany had almost sufficient rye to tide them over until the new harvest, but not sufficient wheat. In large parts of Germany, therefore, no more wheat can be distributed in the near future. We therefore must aid the fatherland until the beginning of the new wheat harvest.

The General Government therefore must do the following: The General Government has taken on the obligation to send 500,00 tons bread grains to the fatherland in addition to the foodstuffs already being delivered for the relief of Germany or consumed here by troops of the armed forces, Police or SS. If you compare this with our contributions of last year you can see that this means a six-fold increase over that of last year's contribution of the General Government.

The new demand will be fulfilled exclusively at the expense of the foreign population. It must be done cold-bloodedly and without pity; for this contribution of the General Government is still more important this year since the occupied Eastern territories Ukraine and Ostland will not yet be able to make an important contribution toward the relief of Germany's food problem. Even if a million tons of bread grains could be delivered from Ostland and Ukraine, it would in the face of Germany's food situation be only a "drop in the bucket".

For this reason I wanted to acquaint you, Gentlemen, here in this governmental session with the decisions which I have made known today to Party member Naumann. You will essentially find an additional increase of the quota of foodstuffs to be shipped to Germany and new regulations for the feeding of the population; especially of the Jews and of the Polish population, whereby, if possible, the provisioning of the working people, especially of those working for German interests, shall be maintained.

The step which we are taking together today, is one of the most decisive ones, because it will surely have certain consequences as to the internal order of this country in January or February of next year. These consequences have to be accepted, because before the German people be starved, others, as a matter of course, must undergo the same.

I first of all give the word to Party member Naumann, who will give you a general report about this problem.

Naumann, President of the Main Department for Food and Agriculture:

Governor General, Gentlemen!

At the beginning of July during the last session of the government, I acquainted you with the food budget of the year 42/43. I hoped that this budget would be adequate. The Governor General, in order to increase the high goal that was originally set in the General Government, had decreed martial law for the harvest time [Ernteausnahmezustand] in order to drain even the last possibilities for the execution of the seizure (of the harvest).

Previously we concluded conferences with the Reich Food Ministry. We had included the shipments which, according to the then prevailing interpretation, were to be delivered by the General Government, in the food budget, and could hope to reach the harvest of 1943 without friction. Meanwhile a message from state Secretary Backe as well as a message from Reich Marshal Goering has arrived, and the Governor General has ordered that all requirements of the Reich are from now on to be fulfilled under all circumstances.

Out of this situation the following needs arise:

After exact considerations the grain quota is raised 25%, that is, from 960,000 tons to 1.2 million tons. The dry measure [Metze] of self-feeders, which was 30 kg per head per year, will be raised to 50 kg per head per year. This means: Self-feeder there total 8.8 million persons in the General Government who heretofore could eat two bushels and 20 kg of bread grain per year will in the future eat two bushels per year. By this means it will be possible to cause an increase in the dry measure from 160000 tons to 264000 tons. This is the burden which we shall place upon and must place upon Polish and Ukrainian agriculture.

On the other hand, I gave an estimated total requirement of 670000 tons of bread grain for the General Government in the food budget of early July. The requirements of the Reich make it necessary that exceptional savings be carried out in the interest of absolute fulfillment of Reich deliveries.

The feeding of a Jewish population, estimated heretofore at 1.5 million, drops off to an estimated total of 300,000 Jews, who still work for German interests as craftsmen or otherwise. For these the Jewish rations, including certain special allotments which have proved necessary for the maintenance of working capacity, will be retained. The other Jews, a total of 1.2 million, will no longer be provided with foodstuffs.

Non-German normal consumers will receive, from 1/1/1943-3/1/1943, instead of 4.2 kg bread per month, 2.8 kg from 3/1/1943-7/30/1943 the total bread ration for these non-German normal consumers will be cancelled.

Those entitled to be supplied [Versorgungsberechtigten] are composed as follows. We estimate that 3 million persons come into consideration as war workers, the A- and B-card holders and their kin, and that somewhat more than 3 million person are non-German normal consumers, who do not work directly or indirectly in the interests of Germany. The war workers, and B-card holders and their families, about 3 million persons, will however continue to be supplied, up to the harvest of 1943, at the prevailing rates.

Furthermore, savings will be brought about in the sphere of seed grain in such-a way that seed grain will be issued for general seed grain needs only when the farm [Betrieb] delivers for it, in excess of its quota, an equal amount of food grain.

Rations of oats for feed to those who own horses in their professions must be reduced to a great extent. Unfortunately a certain portion of oats will also fall away which heretofore was placed at the disposal of the main forestry department for the horses with which the urgent transport of wood was carried out. Extensive restrictions will be carried out in manufacturing and finishing plants, which will take effect in the food sphere. Also special allotments, as we carried them out last year during the winter months in Warsaw, Radom, Cracow, etc. cannot be carried out this winter. By this measure a saving of 115000 tons of bread grain will be attained.

When the above mentioned increased quota will be brought in 100, it will be possible to maintain a new food balance in the grain sector. Every amount which is missing from a 100 achievement of the total quota takes the form of a further reduction, first of all for the 3 million non-German normal consumers who do not work in the interest of Germany. In case the seizure and collection of the dry measure should even then create certain difficulties, this will have an effect on the family members of war workers working in the interests of Germany and on A- and B-card holders. The Main Department for Food and Agriculture will try, however, not to take these last measures if the acquisition to some extent brings about the result we all hope from it.

Also here the changed potato quota must be raised 25%, that is, from 1.2 million to 1.5 million tons. It is planned that war workers and A- and B-card holders will again receive, as during last year, 3.5 double-bushels of potatoes which they can use for themselves and the members of their families. For Germans 2 double-bushels per head per year are planned, for the 7 main cities of the General Government, 1 double-bushel per person. Before supplying the main cities with potatoes, the requirements and quotas of factory potatoes must be primarily secured. Only then, when this securing has been made, will potatoes be issued to the main city population at the rate of a double-bushel per head. This precautionary measure has the purpose above all of seeing to it that enough alcohol can be produced, first of all to maintain equal quality amounts [Praemienmengen] and secondly to have enough alcohol available for other important purposes.

Also in the domain of meat a 25% quota increase takes place so that the new Reich contributions can be fulfilled. The now almost completely accomplished registry of cattle aids the seizure We hope to be able to achieve, with what are considerable encroachments in themselves, that the 400 grams per month for non-German normal consumers can be issued. Nevertheless the situation can arise that at certain times here and there the 400 grams per month may for once not be issued, but less must be given, since here also the deliveries to the armed forces and the Reich contributions have priority.

These drastic measures can only succeed when the following prerequisites can be created and/or maintained. Every ration increase for war workers, A- and B-card holders or members of their families must be refused. Just a short time ago the armament inspection requested from me an increase of rations. Furthermore requests have come in to raise the insufficient rations of the Drohobvcz oil region. In the face of the serious food situation in which the General Government finds itself, ration quota increases for these groups of workers, and the members of their families as well, cannot be carried out.

New ration applicants can under no circumstances be accepted any more. This means: New industries, new construction projects or major enterprises cannot be satisfied with supplementary, insofar as a need is created by new masses of workers, unless the Reich makes available and allows an amount to be deflected which corresponds to the requirements of the additional masses of workers, from those supplies which we have to deliver to the Reich.

The Bonus amounts approved by the Main Department of Economies and Monopoly must be delivered without fail. Beyond that new bonus goods must be made available due to the raising of quotas of the main Department of Food and Agriculture. If it is not possible to secure cigarettes, liquor, textiles, and earlier bonus goods, I request that salt be also fully counted into the bonus drive now, this means that, starting immediately, the total salt ration is to be provided in the cities through food cards and on farms through bonus certificates.

Proposed resettlement projects, such as are planned, according to reports from the Department Leaders of Lemberg and Lublin, must in my opinion be postponed, for the sake of a frictionless procurement and effecting of the harvest for the coming year.

The securing of all depots and food processing plants as well as their transport facilities must be assured, as otherwise irreplaceable losses result which mean a further burdening of the food budget. I have had maps made of all districts [Kreise] on which the depots have all been drawn in. I request that the necessary measures be taken on the part of the police that these depots, which are in the eyes of the hungering masses above all at times when the restrictions are carried out, should be strictly guarded, so that the meager supplies which we have until the new harvest should not be destroyed by sabotage or arson.

The still outstanding price adjustment of various products in the district of Galicia to the price level of the old General Government must be carried out at once. Furthermore the strong inroads upon the substance of farm establishments caused by the raising of quotas undoubtedly involves damage which will have unfavorable results on the procurement of the 1943 harvest.

Finally it must be determined at the beginning of November whether the martial law for-the harvest period, which has been proclaimed up to 30 November, must be extended to 30 December. Martial law for the harvest period has been extended to all products which are to be reaped.

The planned quota increase and reduction of ration quantities must be kept secret under all circumstances and may be published only at that time which the Main Department for Food and Agriculture considers proper. Should the reduction of ration quantities and the increase of quotas become known earlier, extremely noticeable disturbances in the seizure would take place. The mass of the Polish population would then go to the land and would become a supplementary competitor of our requisitioning agencies. Should the quota increase become known prematurely, the winter sowing and work of procurement would suffer noticeable damage. We have therefore decided first to have the winter planting in the ground and then to announce the quota increase.

In the realm of food the General Government has lived through serious and difficult times during the last 3 years. However, I believe that the coming year 1942-43 will be the hardest in the food sector. My co-workers and I will do everything to master the situation under the given circumstances.

The Governor General.

Gentlemen! You have heard the very serious presentation of President Naumann. You will also derive therefrom that every debate about the figures or measures announced by him would be completely superfluous and actually entirely harmful to the matter. For every debate would give rise to the illusion that perhaps some other method would be possible.

I must point out that some sectors of the administration will feel this very keenly. In the first place the police will feel this, for it will have to deal, if I may say so, with an increased activity of the black market and a neglect of food customs. I will gladly give the police extraordinary powers so that they can overcome these difficulties.

The economy will feel it. The decrease of work rendered will become felt in all sectors, branches and regions. I also assume that our transport system will feel it too. In view of the worsening living conditions an extraordinary hardship will set in for railroad workers and other categories; as the previous quantities of food were already not enough. The monopolies will feel it through a decrease of their incomes, as the amounts of potatoes available for the production of vodka will be less.

The Germans in this area shall not feel it. We wish in spite of this new plan to see to it that the supplies for Germans will be maintained. Also the Wehrmacht and other encamped units in this area shall not feel it. We hope that it will be possible for us to keep up the whole quotas here.

To help in this necessity there is a corresponding measure, namely that the supervision of persons travelling from the General Government to the Reich, above all of military personnel, in order to see whether they are taking food out of the General Government, should be suspended. This means that in addition to all that which we must now extract from the land economically, there must take place a complete removal of control over that which is dragged out of the land by thousands upon thousandsdoubtless illegally and against our government measures.

From this you realize how seriously the situation will develop. In this connection do not forget, however, that the food situation in the Reich is less favorable. In whatever difficulties you observe some place here, in the form of the sicknesses of your workers, the breakdown of your associations, etc., you must always think of the fact that it is still much better when a Pole breaks down than that a German succumb. That we sentence 1.2 million Jews to die of hunger should be noted only marginally. It is a matter, of course, that should the Jews not starve to death it would, we hope, result in a speeding up of anti-Jewish measures.

[Page 15.]

However, that on the other hand it is expected of all that they will show an understanding of these government measures is also to be noted only marginally. The original demand of the Reich from the General Government amounted to 1 million tons. However it was fortunately possible to reduce this demand by half.

When you consider that a land like the Protectorate with a size of barely 50000 square kilometers and a large industrial population was required to deliver over 200000 tons of bread grain, that countries like France and Holland are forced to deliver up to the last remnant to the Reich, then you can estimate how the food situation of the Reich is regarded.

I did not wish to fail to inform you of this decree, which I now put into effect.

To a question by president Gerteis, the Governor General explained that according to the coming new regulation the maintenance of members of the Eastern Railway [Ostbahn] will come under the categories of war workers, A- and B-card holders.

The Governor General then requested the representatives of the Wehrmacht, in view of the food situation in the General Government, to help the government more intensively to prevent a buying up of foodstuffs for the other eastern territories. He directed the same request to State Secretary Krueger for the SS and police. It would be out of the question entirely that purchasers from some other regions should be active in the General Government. Army and police should take care, in their own representing a supplyor purchasing territory for other regions or troop units, unless it were within the compass of the quota obligations of the General Government of the Reich.

Ministerialrat Reis indicated that the berquartiermeister would introduce a command to that effect with the Generalquartiermeister.

The Governor General then declared that it was left to a coming conference of the authoritative factors of the government of the General Government to take measures against the results of the present decision. The results would, to be sure, first take effect at the beginning of next year, since the old rations were valid until the end of this year.

In this connection the Governor General declares the new decree in force and empowers Main Departmental President [Hauptabteilungspraesident] Naumann, in line with his proposal, to lead the nutritional policy of the General Government.

State Secretary Dr. Boepple points out that by reason of the attendance list the names of all who took part in the meeting were known. Should rumors about the measures decided on today eventually seep through to the public, he would, as representative of the government, have them traced to their source, and bring the responsible parties to account.

End of the meeting: 1640 hrs

Not unimportant manpower has been taken from us in form of our old proven Jewish communities. It is clear that the working program is made difficult when in the middle of this program, during the war, the order for complete annihilation of the Jews is given. The responsibility for this cannot be placed upon the government of the General Government. The directive for the annihilation of the Jews comes from higher quarters. We have to be content with the consequences and can only report that the Jew has caused tremendous difficulties with regard to the work program. I was able to prove, the other day, to Staatssekretaer Ganzenmueller, who was complaining that a big building project in the General Government came to a halt, that this would not have happened if the many thousand of Jews working at it had not been deported. Now the order is given that the Jews will have to be removed from the armament projects. I hope that this order, if not already cancelled, will soon be cancelled, for then the situation will be still worse.
Title: "Document 2233-X-PS: Frank Diary, 1942, Part III: Kressendorf, 8/28/1942 [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. p. 913.

Present: Dr. Hans FRANK and others

[Page 968, 969, 983]

Dr. Frank: I have since 1920 continually dedicated my work to the NSDAP. As National Socialist I was a participant in the events of 11/1923 for which I received the Bluorden. After the resurrection of the movement in the year 1925, my real greater activity in the movement began, which made me, first gradually, later almost exclusively, the legal adviser of the Fuehrer and of the Reich leadership of the NSDAP. I thus was the representative of legal interests of the growing Third Reich in a legal ideological as well as practical legal way The culmination of this work I see in the big Leipzig Army Trial in which I succeeded in having the Fuehrer admitted to the famous oath of legality, a circumstance which gave the Movement the legal grounds to expand generously. The Fuehrer indeed recognized this achievement and in 1926 made me leader of the National Socialist Lawyer's League; in 1929 Reich Leader of the Reich Legal office of the NSDAP; in 1933 Bavarian Minister of Justice; in the same year Reich Commissioner of Justice; in 1934 President of the Academy of German Law founded by me; in 12/1934 Reich Minister without portfolio; and in 1939 I was finally appointed to Governor General for the occupied Polish territories.

So I was, am and will remain the representative jurist of the struggle period of National Socialism

I profess myself now, and always, as a National Socialist and a faithful follower of the Fuehrer Adolf Hitler, whom I have now served since 1919.
"Document 2233-Y-PS: Frank Diary, 1942, Volume IV [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp. 914-15.

[Pages 1212-1213]

Friday, 11/20/1942:

Of the total 180000 head of cattle to be delivered, 159000 have been delivered to the Reich up to now.

360 million eggs have been collected. 92 million of those eggs were delivered for the Reich, and 85 million are already in possession of the Reich; the remaining 7 million eggs would be delivered within the next few days.

The other deliveries were also being executed without friction on the whole, and it was hoped that the necessary achievements, for example in honey, poultry and sugar, would be completely fulfilled.

The Governor General expresses his satisfaction over those results and points out in that connection, that two thirds of the increase in the rations, carried out in the Reich were to be credited to the General Government, according to a statement of Ministerialdirektor Riche.

President Naumann then takes a position to the question concerning the distribution of the remaining stocks of food in the General Government. It was stated in the decree of 8/25/1942 that a decrease in the rations should occur, respectively that rations should be denied completely to the Polish population not working for the German interest.

The following plan has now been taken into consideration:

Starting 2/1/1942 the food ration cards should not be issued to the individual Pole or Ukrainian by the Nutrition Office [Ernaehrungsamt], but to the establishments working for the German interest. 2 million people would thus be eliminated from the non-German, normal ration-consuming contingent. Now, if those ration cards are only distributed by the factories, part of those people will naturally rush into the factories. Labor could then be either procured for Germany from them or they could be used for the most important work in the factories of the General Government. This would also constitute a help for the main department of labor to a certain extent, enabling it to get a better control over the available labor potential within the Polish population. In the case of the eventual exclusion of 2 million Poles from the rationing system, the family members of the non-German, working population could be granted higher rations under circumstances, as for instance in the form of an increase of the bread ration to 1400 gr., the allotment of flour and larger meat rations.

The Plant-manager [Betriebsfuehrer] must, of course, realize the responsibility conferred upon him by the distribution of those food ration cards, and statements about the number of workers employed by the establishment must be absolutely correct.

Very harsh directives must, therefore, be issued in order to avoid eventual frauds; the plant-manager is personally responsible for the correctness of the number, which he must report every month.

It is planned furthermore to put a certain amount of foodstuff at the disposal of the Polish Central Committee, for the purpose of taking adequate care of old and infirm people, who cannot work any longer.

After having reached into the existing stocks, the main attention will have to be directed towards the greatest effort to secure the harvest 1943.

He has, therefore, already in September instructed his Department II to draft the necessary plans for it.


David Thompson
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Post by David Thompson » 18 Jul 2004, 02:49

Part 3 (final):
"Document 2233-Z-PS: Frank Diary, 1942, Part IV: Official Meeting of Political Leaders of the NSDAP Area of Operation in the General Government [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. p. 915.

Cracow. 12/14/1942

[Page 1329, lines 11-15]

Dr. Frank: You know that we have delivered over 940,000 Polish workers to the Reich. Thereby the General Government absolutely and relatively stands at the head of all the European countries. This achievement is enormous: it has also been recognized as such by Gauleiter Sauckel.

[Page 1331, lines 5-7, 18-34]

Dr. Frank: I will endeavor to get out of the reservoir of this territory everything that is yet to be got out of it.

When you consider that it was possible for me to deliver to the Reich 600,000 tons of bread grain, and in addition 180,000 tons to the Armed Forces stationed here; further an abundance amounting to many thousands of tons of other commodities such as seed, fats, vegetables, besides the delivery to the Reich of 300 million eggs, etc. you can estimate the significance this territory possesses for the Reich. In order to make clear to you the significance of the consignment from the General Government of 600,000 tons of bread grain, you are referred to the fact that the General Government by this achievement alone covers the raising of the bread ration in the Greater German Reich by two-thirds during the present rationing period. This enormous achievement can rightfully be claimed by us.
"Document 1526-PS, Part 01 [translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp. 79-81.

copy prof. Dr. Wolodymyr Kubijowytsch, Chairman of the Ukrainian Main Committee.

Cracow, 2/1943.
To the Governor General, Reich Minister Dr. Frank.

Your Excellency:

Complying with your wish I send you this letter, in which I should like to state critical conditions and the painful happenings which create especially grave conditions for the Ukrainian population within the General-Government. As to the German-Ukrainian relations and the general situation of the Ukrainian people, I have included all that in my letter, known as well to you, which I addressed to the Secretary of State Dr. Buehler as far back as 12/1942. In that letter I stressed mainly the alarm of the Ukrainian population in regard to the uncertainty bout their national future within the New Europe. Here I would like to quote some real happenings and add my reflections on them.

The center of these is the question: Shall the Ukrainians work successfully in favor of final victory; they must be granted the security which, while absolutely necessary to them, unfortunately does not exist. For under the present conditions the Ukrainians are neither sure of their possessions nor of their lives. The matter of reprivatisation has not yet been settled. Inhuman treatment, severe pressure to forced labor, unfounded arrests, and lastly the shootings of great numbers are happenings not too infrequent these days.

1. Question of Re-Privatisation.

Of primary importance for the further shaping of German-Ukrainian relations is the problem of re-privatisation. The whole Ukrainian people have connected with the German victory in the East their hope that now all remainders of the Bolshevist Regime shall be extinguished finally.

The views of the Ukrainian people are basically those of private property and economy. The Ukrainian peasant is prepared to undergo the greatest privations and sacrifices in favor of the State if only he be allowed to work in tranquility; this feeling of inner tranquility he can but gain in the knowledge that the soil on which he and his ancestors have toiled, will remain his property in the future. The Ukrainian population received with gratitude the Proclamation of your Excellency of 8/1/1941 in which, you Sir, have solved this problem at its roots and have stated re-privatisation to be the general rule for the economy of the State.

Now, however, the attitude of some authorities looks as if the re-privatisation would be questioned still and as if in the new social order there was no place for private property. This situation is very cleverly made use of by the hostile whispering propaganda. Especially widely has the rumor been spread that private property has not yet been reintroduced for the reason that a large action of resettlement of the Ukrainians from Galicia to the East is to be expected.

Actions, such as measures of adjusting real property at the expense of peasant property (in the districts of Tarnopol, Rawa Ruska, Kalusch, etc.), survey of real property of peasants (in the district of Czortkow) and imposing of fees for the use of land ( Czortkow Zloczow, etc.) give such rumors the appearance of probability (enclosure 1).

It is clear that for this reason there appears a great alarm and nervousness amongst the rural population which must badly influence the inclination for work and the output of agricultural production.

The uncertainty as well as all the consciously false interpretations of such measures through the whispering propaganda, could only be ended by a definite carrying out of the principle of the Proclamation mentioned.

II. Measures for finding labor.

The general nervousness is still more enhanced by the wrong methods of finding labor which have been used more and more frequently in recent months. The wild and ruthless man-hunt as exercised everywhere in towns and country, in streets, squares, stations, even in churches, at night in houses, has badly shaken the feeling of security of the inhabitants. Everybody is exposed to the danger, to be seized anywhere and at any time by members of the police, suddenly and unexpectedly, and to be brought into an assembly camp. None of his relatives knows what has happened to him only months later one or the other gives news of his fate by a postcard.

I beg to mention some instances with their respective proofs:

a. During such an action a pupil in Sokol lost his life and another one was wounded (enclosure 2).

b. 19 Ukrainian workers from Galicia, all provided with identity cards, were assigned in Cracow to a transport of "Russian prisoners-of-war" and delivered into a punitive camp in Graz (enclosure 3).

c. 95 Ukrainians from Galicia, recruited for work in Germany by the labor offices in the middle of January, were sent to Pskow in Russia, via Eastern Prussia, where most of them died under distress (enclosure 4).

d. Seizure of workers under pretext of military recruitment (Zalesczyki; kidnapping schoolboys during school time (Biala Podloaska, Wlodawa, Hrubieschow) (enclosure 5).

III. Question of Personal Security.

Treatment of human beings.

Already the kind of treatment meted out to our compatriots by the lower instruments of the German authority, adds much to make the general situation more grave. The Ukrainians expected the treatment of members of those nations who fought against Germany because they belong to a people who have never done anything against the Germans and their interests. Now every Ukrainian cannot fail to become convinced that most of the Germans do not make any distinction, and that they are accustomed to treat all peoples of the East similarly, whether friend or foe. Too often the Ukrainian is exposed to the danger, when dealing with the lower authorities, to be personally insulted, to be slandered, even to be ill-treated. Innumerable instances could be mentioned proving this sort of treatment. In the enclosure I give only a small selection of especially grave cases (enclosure 6).

Wholesale shootings.

Of much worse character are the wholesale shootings of absolutely innocent persons, such as happened in Lubycza Koroliwska and then in Lwow and Czortkow.

In Lubycza Koroliwska, district of Rawa Ruska, 46 peasants, including 31 Ukrainians, were shot without trial (10/41942) (enclosure 7).

During the second half of 11/1943, 28 Ukrainians were shot in Lwow, 56 in Czortkow, also without trial. (enclosure 8).

Arrests in 12/1942.

In 12/1942 the police undertook a cleansing action among the so-called disturbing elements, leading very soon, however, to wholesale arrests of innocent, quiet citizens. They are under arrest and in danger to lose their good health for certain, if not their life. (enclosure 9).

How acute and well founded this fear is, is proved by what happened to 6 Ukrainian girls from Kolomea, who were arrested in 2/1942 and who disappeared without leaving any trace. (enclosure 10).

Revision in the St. George Cathedral, Lwow.

In connection with the cleansing action mentioned above a raid was carried out even in the St. George's cathedral in Lwow. The fact itself, especially because of the behavior of the police at this place which is sacred to the Ukrainians, produced a deep resentment and bad feelings amongst the population. This was used by hostile propaganda at once. Generally, it is pointed out that not even during the Bolshevist occupation raids took place on the hill of St. George, and that several visits by Bolshevist professors and students were always undertaken with great respect for the place and the person of the Metropolitan.

Special action against the asocial elements.

Since 15 January a special action began against the so-called asocial elements in Galicia. In the whole area about 5000 persons were arrested. The purpose of this action was said to be the removal of those elements, who did not wish to work, were active in the black market and by so doing made the work of the authorities more difficult. This action however, did not obtain the right result, and the victims were leading personalities of the Ukrainian cultural and economic life as well as employees of several state authorities and members of the Ukrainian Aid Committee.

These wholesale arrests raised an extraordinary nervousness and anxiety among the delegates of our committee and in large spheres of the Ukrainian population.

IV. Irregular conditions and Partisan nuisance in the District of Lublin.

[This chapter deals with partisan activity and the risks to which the loyal Ukrainian population is exposed thereby. Irrelevant].

V. Collective responsibility.

General remarks.

The Ukrainian people consider as particularly painful the application of methods of collective responsibility. The large masses of the people generally have no understanding for the principle of collective responsibility; they take it as absence of justice to be punished for a deed one has neither done nor approved of. Generally, the principle of collective responsibility may be considered as justified if applied to a racial community which is homogenous. The partisan nuisance, however, is particularly spread out in the mixed Polish-Ukrainian areas, and the Ukrainian community can by no means bear any responsibility for misdeeds done by Poles. But even in areas with the almost homogenous population as e.g in Galicia, the Ukrainian people could only be held responsible if they were possessed of some means of executive power towards those members. Today they have no such means For the reasons stated, the application of the principle of collective responsibility against the Ukrainian people is unjust and inexpedient in its present state of organization and especially in the mixed areas. The collective responsibility often hits the leading circles in town and country whose feelings are pro-German, but who are powerless against both the Polish dissenters and against their own irresponsible hot-heads and despairing persons.

Thus it happens that the collective responsibility which has the purpose of exterminating anti-German elements quite to the contrary annihilates or weakens positively pro-German elements and creates bad feelings and bitterness. Thus in the district of Lublin about 400 such Ukrainians perished.

We mention but some of the most convincing instances:

Wholesale shootings.

On 12/25/1942 the military police surrounded the village of Przewale, in the district of Zamose, area of Lublin, herded together a large number of Ukrainians and Poles. When the manager of the estate declared he needed the Poles for work, the Poles were set free, the Ukrainians, however, numbering 16 were shot dead; among the persons shot was a 15 years old girl, Eugenie Tybyczuk (encl. 15).

In the village of Nodosow (district of Lubin) 8 pro-German Ukrainians who had been persecuted by the Poles because of their patriotic views in pre-war time, were shot on 10/30/1942.

On 1/29/1943 in the village of Sumyn (collective community of Tarnowatka, district of Lublin) 45 Ukrainians, including 18 children between the ages of 3-15 were shot, and on 2/2/1943 in the villages of Pankow and Scharowola (collective community of Tarnowatka) 19 Ukrainians were shot, including 8 children, aged 1-13 years (encl. 16).

The greatest bitterness is created by the killing of innocent children, because the population is unable to understand that the German authorities could consent to or order such deeds.

The tragic events in Lubycza Koroliwska and Kubycza Kniazi districts of Rawa Ruska, area of Lublin) have been mentioned above (encl. 7).


The happenings in Galicia mentioned in this report have been submitted to Governor Dr. Waechter and the Department Head Dr. Bauer in writing and verbally. We repeat them herein, in order to complete the picture of the General Government.

Cracow, 2/25/1943.

Table of Enclosures.

1. The surveying measures in the area of Czortkow.

2. The events at Sokal.

3. The behavior of the Polish employees of the labor office.

4. Minutes (fate of the Ukrainian workers in Pskow).

5. Memorandum for the files (false recruiting of workers to the Reich).

6. Memorandum for the files (ill-treatment of Ukrainians).

7. Shooting of 46 peasants in Lubycza Koroliwska, district of Rawa Ruska.

8. Shootings in Lwow and Czortkow in 11/1942.

9. Arrests in Galicia in 12/1942.

10. Uncertain fate of arrested Ukrainian women students from Kolomea.

11. List of some well-known Ukrainian citizens, arrested in 1/1943 in the area of Kolomea, Stryj, and Kamionka Strumilowa.

12. Arrests and shootings of persons unfit for work in the district of Sanok.

13. Anti-Ukrainian activities of persons unfit for work in the district Biljoraj.

14. Activities of partisans in the district of Biala Podlasko during the second half of the year 1942.

15. Shooting of 16 Ukrainians in the village of Przewale.

16. List of the Ukrainians shot in the village of Sumin, community of Tarnowatka on 1/29/1943.

Enclosure 1.

The Surveying Measure in the District of Czortkow.

In September of last year the Chief Inspectorate of agricultural land [Hauptlandinspektion] in Czortkow was formed under the management of the former District Surveyor Kreislandinspektor].

Employed were the engineers-surveyor Jwanenko, a Russian, and the draughtsman Sach, a Pole; further the land-surveyors from Brzezany and Tarnapol and some other German employee who were brought to Czortkow. Travelling in the district of czortkow they drew maps showing the position of the communities with special regard to all farms and marking the better farms About the middle of December the activities of this institution ceased, probably up till the end of 4/1943. Rumor has it that German peasants to the number of 50000 who are to be transferred from Germany into this district should be settled on these better farms.

Enclosure 2.

The Events at Sokal.

On 10/24/1942 between 13 and 14 hours, when the school boys went home from school, they were stopped by detachments of military police on the street and together with other people were formed into one unit. There was a panic as nobody knew what was going to happen to these people. People began to flee from the streets. The school boy Jaroslau Meda who was just passing with his father, the secretary of the collective community of Parchacz also started to run. The father tried to calm him and called him back as there was no danger. A military policeman, however, saw him fleeing and shot at him wounding him fatally, so that he died in the local hospital half an hour later.

At the same time two military policemen went into the Ukrainian hostel for schoolboys and took away some boys. The others were at lunch in the dining-room and therefore remained unnoticed. In front of the schoolboys' hostel the schoolboy Wassyl Krawtschuk was caught by a military policeman and wounded so seriously in the thigh by a bayonet that he had to be taken to hospital.

The student of theology Osyyp Karawan was severely beaten until he fainted.

The public school teacher Michael Duliba was beaten publicly.

It is to be stressed that nobody knew that this action of collecting people was to procure workers to load carrots at the station. Then the headmaster of the public school informed the manager of the local labor office by phone and asked for his help, the latter replied he had no time to spare for this matter at the moment. Thereafter, the headmasters of the Ukrainian schools informed the manager of the local labor office that they would put their boys at the disposal of the authorities in every case there was unforeseen and undelayable work to be done in town after having received fair warning provided no other labor was available.

Enclosure 3.

Zborow, 10/6/1942

Ukrainian Aid Committee, Branch Zborow.

To the Ukrainian Main Committee in Lwow. Department for food.

Subject: The behavior of the Polish employees of the labor office in Cracow towards our laborers.

We present the minutes prepared by our office together with Mr. Procyk Lukas on 9/28/1942 who returned from Germany.

Ukrainian laborers coming to Cracow, though provided with certificates and identification papers, are being transferred by the Polish employees of the labor office together with the transports of Russian civilian and brought to punitive camps.

Many Ukrainians fell victim to such Polish provocations. The situation of these people is all the more tragic, as they do not know the German language and their certificates and identification papers were destroyed by the above mentioned Polish employees.

Below we give a list of the Ukrainian laborers who are in the punitive camp in Graz as Russians and refugees:

[Follows a list of 19 names].

The situation of the above named is tragic. I was lucky to escape. With complete confidence in me and tears in their eye they asked me to report their condition to the Committee.

[signed] Procyk Lukas.

Enclosure 4. Minutes.

Michaljlo Kost, Bohdan Janiw, Iwan Baran (son of Iwan), Iwan Baran (son of Mykola) and Olexa Chimjak, all from Koniuschky, Koroliwiski, district of Komarow, were sent by the labor office for work to Germany on 1/12/1942.

They came to Pwzemysk, where they stayed for a whole week awaiting medical inspection. After the medical inspection they were joined to the transport which was to go to Germany. However, they were driven via Warsaw, East Prussia to Russia and were brought to the town of Pskow. With them were 95 Ukrainian lads from Galicia, including 18 lads from the village of Koniuschky, Koroliwiski. They were accompanied by a military escort. On 1/28/1942 they arrived in Pskow. At first, they worked in the woods felling trees, later building a bath-house.

In the beginning they received half a loaf of bread as daily ration, and later one loaf for seven persons daily, black coffee breakfast and supper and soup at dinner time.

They never had a day off, they had to work even on Sundays. Terrible frost persisted throughoutto 58 centigrades (below zero), but the lads got no warm clothes, they worked in the clothes they had brought with them. After arriving in Pskow he workers lived in unheated huts without beds. The huts were made from wood and it was very cold there; only after two weeks were they billetted in a hall with beds, but they were unable to get warm with the blankets they had brought with them. Many of them fell ill from hunger and cold, 18 had to be taken to hospital (there was no room for several persons) where they remained for 2 to 3 weeks. The sick were refused bread, because they were said to be simulants. In the hospital the sick received 50 grammes of bread and some warm water and some soup and potatoes at about 16 hours.

Anyone unfit for work was sent away forcibly. Many escaped from the huts during the winter, one died. 13 lads from the village of Koniuschky, Koroliwiski escaped, three were arrested, and we know nothing about the others; they certainly did not turn home.

5 of the above mentioned lads were declared unfit for work by a military commission and sent to Lwow and then home where they arrived completely exhausted. Of the 95 persons in the hutments in Pskow up to April, only 14 remained, 8 from the district of Jarowiw and 1 from Grodek. Those 14 persons, hungry and weak, were released to go home.

These workers received no pay.

Komarow. 4/22/1942. Confirmed by signature: Mychajlo Kost, Bohdan Janiw, Iwan Baran.

Enclosure 5. Memorandum for the files.

In November of last year an inspection of all males of the age groups 1910-1920 was ordered in the area of Zaleschozyki (district of Czortkow). After the men had appeared for inspection, all those who were chosen were arrested at once, loaded into trains and sent to the Reich. Such recruiting of laborers for the Reich also took place in other areas of this district. Following some interventions the action was then stopped.

The labor office in Biala Podlaska carried out the recruiting for work of the students at the commercial college. When the officials recruited more students than ordered, the main doors and doors to the class-rooms were locked; consequently a panic amongst the students broke out, and even some students fled through the windows.

Similar events occurred in Wlodawa and Hrubieschow in consequence of which the schools were closed for some time.

Enclosure 6. Memo for the files. Re: Ill-treatment of Ukrainians.

a. On 11/11/1942 Irene Malaschtschuk, a public school girl working in a German food store in Czortkow, was, whilst working (attending to German customers) hit in the face several times by a Security Policeman without any reason whatsoever. When questioned why he did it, she received the answer: because you did not pay any special attention to me.

b. In 9/1942 a meeting took place in Chodorow in the presence of the District Farmer of Stryj, the District Agricultural Expert, the Chairman of the Ukrainian Aid Committee, the Land Commissioner, the District Farmer, the Chairman of the Delegation in Chodorow, and mayors and bailiffs of the district of Chodorow concerning the delivery quotas. During the discussion of the quota action the District Farmer said that the communities of Hranky, Kuty, and Bortniky had not delivered their ordered quota of vegetables, then he ordered the Mayor of Hranky, Kuty to come up and hit him in the face in front of the assembly.

c. The chief of the price control office in Zloczow, H. Mok, who personally controls the delivery of foodstuffs into the town, stopped a woman on the way who was carrying a few kilos of carrots. Mr. Mok ordered his interpreter, a Jew, to search the woman; the Jew did it in such a manner as to offend the dignity of a human being and of the woman.

d. The District Farmer Benzin in Biala Polaska shot at innocent Ukrainian peasants from the villages of Polenow and Nosow, whilst on duty on 7/30/1942, two of whom died. Benzin was arrested, but the event caused great indignation in the whole area.

e. On 8/9/1942 the Ukrainian student Iwan Wowtschyschyn was beaten without any reason whatsoever by a Polish railroad policeman on the station in Przemysl; when the student tried to defend himself, he was fatally wounded with the bayonet.

Generally, there are strong complaints all over the country about the way Polish members of the railroad police treated Ukrainians.

Enclosure 7. Shootings of 46 peasants in Lubycza, district of Rawa Ruska.

In the early morning on Sunday, 10/4/1942, some groups of the Special Service detachments, stationed near Belsez, came to the village of Lubycza Koroliwska and Kubysca Kniazi and called out all male villagers. The men were convinced that it was a matter of some urgent work for the village and obligingly hurried to the place of assembly. There they were formed in rank and file and requested to name 2 saboteurs within two minutes otherwise every fifth man would be shot.
As, however no acts of sabotage had been committed in the village, no saboteurs could be named. Then, 45 men and 1 woman were chosen from the crowd and shot dead in two groups in the presence of their relatives, viz. in Lubycza, Koroliwska and Kubycza Kniazi.

Amongst the 46 shot were 31 Ukrainians.

The pretence for these tragic mass-shootings was a fire which occurred in the stables of the said Special Service detachments near Belsez during the night of 3-4 October, when 3 horses were said to have perished. Probably this fire was set alight by the carelessness of the stable-boys and was extinguished at once.

The community of Lubycza, Koroliwska has been known as one of the most loyal of the whole district. The very same day (10/4/1942) the Governor of the province of Galicia, during a celebration in Lwow, especially mentioned the community as one conscious of their duties regarding the delivery of their quotas; this was officially published (Lwiwski Wisti) (Lemberger, Nachchten 10/6/1942).

The village Kubycza is 8 km. away from the place where the fire took place. The above mentioned stable is not within the village boundaries of Lubycza, Koroliwska

It should be noted here that in spite of repeated assurances given by the District Captain [Kreishauptmann] the injured families in Lubycza, Koroliwska have so far not received any compensation.

Enclosure 8.

As a reprisal for the shooting of a member of the German police in Lwow who was killed by an unknown perpetrator in the second half of 11/1942, 28 Ukrainians were shot in Lwow, and 56 in Czortkow who were at the time in prison in these towns. Nobody was told the reason for the shooting, and the shootings in Czortkow were carried out in broad day-light before the eyes of the frightened population. Among the persons shot were many suffering from typhoid who were taken from the hospital whilst unconscious, loaded on to trucks, and taken to the place of execution.

These shootings were to be considered as reprisals against the so-called "Bandera" group. Among the persons shot were elderly citizens who had no connection whatever with the activities of this group, as for instance Dr. Olexa Kossak, lawyer from Kolomea, engineer Andrij Pjaseckyj, head-gamekeeper in Janiw near Lwow all of whom had been vouched for not only by myself and Dr. Kost Pankiskyj, but by Reich Germans as well.

Enclosure 9. Arrests in Galicia in 12/1942.

In 12/1942 the police made arrests among the so-called restless elements.

In the whole province of Galicia arrests were made, especially among the young people among whom followers of the partisans were looked for.
On this occasion a number of elderly citizens were arrested, who were but vaguely connected with the suspects. Thus, for instance, the owners of houses where the suspect lived as a lodger were arrested as well as guests present in the house at the time of arrest. On interventions by the representatives of the Ukrainian Main Committee in Lwow the police answered in order to release the persons arrested by mistake. Since then 2.5 months have passed and the persons arrested by mistake are still in prison. They are treated there as criminals and are not certain of their lives.

A typical example of this is the fact that 50 Ukrainians died of misery and hunger in the prison in Czortkow. The Ukrainian Aid Committee in Czortkow tried to obtain a permit to send food to the prisoners, but without success; although the commander of the police agreed, the prison-commander insisted that the command of the Lwow police had to grant permission.

Enclosure 10. Uncertain fate of arrested Ukrainian women students.

On 2/5/1942, 6 Ukrainian women students and school girls from Kolomea were arrested and in the spring sent on to Czortkow. Since then their relatives are unable to obtain any news about their fate.

The personal date of the arrested: [follow 6 names together with names of respective parents and date and place of birth].

Enclosure 11.

List of some well-known Ukrainian citizens, members of the Ukrainian Aid Committee and employees of the State Administration, the Self-Government and the Economic Authorities, also of the old men and students who were arrested in 1/1943 in the districts of Kolomea, Stryj, and Komionka, Strumilowa: [follows names by localities.]

Enclosure 12.

Arrests and shootings of persons unfit for work in the District of Sanok.

During the period from 1/18-24/1943 about 300 persons were arrested in the neighborhood of Sanok in accordance with lists compiled some time before by the local mayors on orders of the authorities. Some of them were soon set free, but the fate of the rest is unknown to us and their families. The shootings which are daily taking place on the Jewish cemetery promise no good.

On 1/17-18/1943 many persons from the districts Sanok and Jaslo were arrested in the station in Tarnow whilst riding in the direction of Cracow; so far their families have no news about their fate. Thus, for instance 4 persons were arrested from the village of Losie, district Jaslo, viz.: [follow 4 names and addresses.]

One of them went to see a doctor in Cracow, the others were on Business trips to Warsaw.

On 1/18/1943, 14 persons who were unfit for work were shot together with 80 Jews in Ustrzyki Dolne; they were buried together in a ditch. Among these 14 were old men and invalids or instance from Lutswyska; Iwan Lesky, 68-70 years old, invalid of the Austrian Army who worked as a tiler, Jurko Schkrabak and his wife, both about 70 years of age, and 3 other unknown persons, a female beggar from Ustrzky called "Haramsymka" We do not know the names of the other people shot. It should be pointed out that the Ukrainians celebrated a second Christmas evening on that day called "Schtschedryj Wetschir".

As this holiday is celebrated by the Ukrainians with great piety, the shootings of these innocent people on this holy day caused great indignance and embitterment. These events depress the Ukrainian population. The view is current that now the shootings of the Jews come to an end those of the Ukrainians begin. The case of Ustrzyki is commented upon as follows: The Germans do not care about any non-German sanctity and holidays, they even shoot Ukrainians on the Ukrainian "Schtschedryj Wetschir" (the case in Ustrzyki).

The Ukrainian population is suspicious of all orders given by the German authority and even keep away from the soup kitchens, for fear that those in need may be considered as beggars and shot.

Enclosure 13.

Anti-Ukranian activities of partisans in the District of Bilgoraj.

Enclosure 14.

Activities of partisans in the district of Biala Podlaska during the second half of 1942.

Enclosure 15.

Shooting of 16 Ukrainians in Przewala.

On 12/1/1942 the population of Zubowice, district of Tyschowce was moved away and racial Germans were settled in their place. The Polish population of Zubowice, warned the day before by a certain Kolesche of the coming evacuation fled, but the Ukrainians stayed and were evacuated to the little town of Tyszowce and its suburbs, with the help of the representatives of he Ukrainian Aid Committee. This evacuation affected 128 Ukrainian families, 486 persons in all.

Some days later a few farms in Zubowice and the surrounding Country as far as the village of Przewale were burnt down. It is obvious that these fires were started by escaped Poles who hid in the forests or the neighboring Polish villages, for all farms burnt down belonged to Poles prior to the evacuation; the Ukrainians ho were evacuated in an organized manner and went willingly to destinations far off, viz. Zamlynie and Dubyna, were certainly not interested in burning down farms in Zubowice, particularly not their own farms.

As reprisal the arrests in Zamlynie and the shooting of persons in the village Przewale, near Zubowice, were carried out on 12/24/1942. This village is inhabited by 337 Poles and only 122 Ukrainians. On intervention by the Local Farm Administrator Poles have been separated and released from amongst the people arrested at random, the remaining Ukrainians, however, among them the 58 years old Ukrainian teacher and trustee of the Aid Committee in Zamosc, Banda Onofer, and his 75 years old mother-in-law Marie Rewus were shot. The names of the other Ukrainians who were shot are: (follows a list of 10 names including one of a person aged 80 years).

Enclosure 16.

List of the Ukrainians shot on 1/29/1943 in the village of Sumin community of Taranwatka.

[Follows a list of 45 names, giving family state, age, and remarks. Remarks to No. 16: Wounded, in hospital, to No. 19: Village Mayor, to No. 31: Wounded, in hospital, No's: 39 and 45: wounded, in hospital.]

Total 8 men, 19 women, 18 children.

The delegate: Pastor Matwijtschuk.

List of Ukrainians shot 2/2/1943 in the villages of Pankow and Scharowola.

[Follows a list of 19 names, giving family state, age and remarks. Remarks to No's: 4, 14, 15, 16, 17: Wounded].

Total 4 men, 7 women, 8 children. In the village Pankow 5 Poles have been shot. In the village Scharowola 6 Poles have been shot.

Delegation Ukrainian Aid Committee Tomascho Lubelsko. Delegate: Matwijtschuk.
"Document 437-PS [translation]", in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume III: Documents 001-PS-1406-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp. 396-397.

[Extract from report of Hans Frank to Hitler re situation in Poland, dated 6/19/1943 Pages 10-11.]

In the course of time, a series of measures or of consequences of the German rule have led to a substantial deterioration of the attitude of the entire Polish people in the General Gouvernment. These measures have affected either individual professions or the entire population and frequently also often with crushing severity the fate of individuals.

Among these are in particular:

1. The entirely insufficient nourishment of the population, mainly of the working classes in the cities, whose majority is working for German interests.

Until the war in 1939, its food supplies, though not varied, were sufficient and generally secure, due to the agrarian surplus of the former Polish state and in spite of the negligence on the part of their former political leadership.

2. The confiscation of a great part of the Polish estates and the expropriation without compensation and resettlement of Polish peasants from manoeuvre areas and from German settlements.

3. Encroachments and confiscations in the industries, in commerce and trade and in the field of private property.

4. Mass arrests and mass shootings by the German police who applied the
system of collective responsibility.

5. The rigorous methods of recruiting workers.

6. The extensive paralyzation of cultural life.

7. The closing of high schools, junior colleges and universities.

8. The limitation, indeed the complete elimination of Polish influence from all spheres of State administration.

9. Curtailment of the influence of the Catholic Church, limiting its extensive influence, an undoubtedly necessary move and, in addition, until quite recently, the closing and confiscation of monasteries, schools and charitable institutions.
"Document 2233-AA-PS: Frank Diary, Official Meetings, 1943: Warsaw, 21/25/1943 [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. pp. 916-917.

Present: Dr. Hans FRANK and others

State Secretary Krueger: When we settled about the first 4,000 in Kreis Zamosc shortly before Christmas I had an opportunity to speak to these people.

(State Secretary Krueger) It is understandable that in resettling this area we did not make friends of the Poles.

(State Secretary Krueger) In colonizing this territory with racial Germans, we are forced to chase out the Poles.

(State Secretary Krueger) We are removing those who constitute a burden in this new colonization territory. Actually, they are the asocial and inferior elements. They are being deported, first brought to a concentration camp, and then sent as labor to the Reich. From a Polish propaganda standpoint this entire first action has had an unfavorable effect. For the Poles say: After the Jews have been destroyed then they will employ the same methods to get the Poles out of this territory and liquidate them just like the Jews.

(State Secretary Krueger) As I have mentioned a great deal of unrest in Polish territory has resulted because of this resettlement.

Dr. Frank: We will discuss each individual case of resettlement in the future exactly in the same manner as in the case of Zamosc, so that you will, Mr. State Secretary, appear before me and render a report.

Dr. Frank: Gentlemen, be assured that this composite structure of General Government, on which all who are gathered around this table have worked so splendidly, really has the power to endure over this period. The great task which is given us will grow more difficult. No one will help us; we are fully and entirely dependent on ourselves. The Fuehrer can only help us as a kind of administrative island or administrative pill-box. We must defend ourselves from all sides. To all criticism of methods which we have heard you know my basic principle, I don't need to say it in this circle. I would like to stress one thing: we must not be squeamish when we learn that a total of 17,000 people have been shot. These persons who were shot were nothing more than war victims. If we compare this number against the irreplaceable blood sacrifices which the German people uninterruptedly day by day and every hour are making, then it weighs as nothing in the balance. We are now duty bound to hold together. Each must bring with him understanding for the other, he must be convinced that he is doing his best. The main thing is that we do not allow any personal slackness to arise. We must remember that we, who are gathered together here, figure on Mr. Roosevelt's list of war criminals. I have the honour of being Number One. We have, so to speak, become accomplices in the world historic sense. Just because of this we must hold together, and be in agreement with one another, and it would be ridiculous if we were to let
ourselves get involved in any squabbles over methods.
Title: "Document 2233-BB-PS: Frank Diary, Loose Leaf Bound File, 1/1/1944-2/28/1944.: Speech to Members of District Standortfuehrung to Political Leaders, Conference Room of District Standortfuehrung Cracow. 1/14/1944 [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947.
pp. 917-918.

[Page 24, lines 10-14]

Frank: Once we have won the war, then, for all I care, mincemeat can be made of the Poles and the Ukrainians and all the others who run around here - it doesn't matter what happens.

Meeting of the Political Leaders of the NSDAP in General Government Area, on 1/15/1944 in NSDAP House Cracow. [Page 13, lines 9-11]

Frank: I have not been hesitant in declaring that when a German is shot, up to 100 Poles shall be shot too.

Conference with Ambassador Counselor Dr. Schumburg, 2/8/1944, at the Castle, Cracow.

[Page 7, lines 19-28]

Ambassador Counselor Dr. Schumburg then brought up the question of a possible amnesty of Poles who, because of trivial offences or trespass of the law, had been taken to the concentration camp Auschwitz and kept there for months.

The Governor General will take under consideration an amnesty, probably for 1 May of this year. Nevertheless, one must not lose sight of the fact that the German leadership of the General Government must not show any kind of weakness.
"Document 2233-F-PS: Frank Diary, 1944 [partial translation]" in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume IV: Documents 1409-PS-2373-PS. District of Columbia: GPO, 1947. p. 902.

Loose Leaf Volume covering period from 1/1/1944-2/28/1944

Speech delivered by Hans Frank in Berlin 1/25/1944 before the Representatives of the German Press

At the present time we still have in the General Government perhaps 100000 Jews.

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#4

Post by PolAntek » 18 Jul 2004, 03:59

David,

Thank you for posting this material.

It remains difficult to fully comprehend the sheer audacity of the people of one nation, namely the Germans, to subject the citizens of another nation to such a ruthless domination. In Hans Frank’s words: "The Pole must feel…that for him there is only one duty, namely, to work and to behave himself.” That such things happened only a few decades ago seems to make it all the more incredulous. But the documents speak for themselves.

It is almost comical to hear the pompous and utterly corrupt Frank suggest the following threat in the event of Polish resistance to his criminal administration:
Document 2233-M-PS: Frank Diary Page 13 wrote: Then I would not hesitate to set up a regime of terror with all its consequences.
As though this was not already the case. The noose was too good for this ‘untermenschen’ murderer.

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#5

Post by David Thompson » 18 Oct 2004, 22:12

APPENDIX DOCUMENT

Extract of Letter From Commander of army Rear Area 550, 20 August 1940, Incorporating Copy of Letter From Commander in Chief of 18th Army, 22 July 1940, Containing Directives Concerning Ethnic Struggle in the East", in Trials of War Criminals Before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals Under Control Council Law No. 10. Vol. 10: United States of America v. Wilhelm von Leeb, et al. (Case 12: 'The High Command Case'). US Government Printing Office, District of Columbia: 1951. pp. 1207-1208.
Partial Translation of Document NOKW-1531, Prosecution Exhibit 587.

[Handwritten] War Diary, Commander of Army Rear Area 550
[Stamp] Secret
G.J. No. 734/40 secret.
Staff Quarters
20 August1940
Copy.

The Commander in Chief of the 18th Army (Ic No. 2489/40 secret)
Army Headquarters
22 July 1940.

* * *

2. I also stress the necessity of ensuring that every soldier of the army, particularly every officer, refrains from criticizing the ethnic struggle being carried out in the Government General, for instance the treatment of the Polish minorities, of the Jews, and of church matters. The final ethnic solution of the ethnic struggle, which has been raging on the eastern border for centuries, calls for unique harsh measures.

Certain units of the Party and the State have been charged with the carrying out of this ethnic struggle in the East.

The soldiers must, therefore, keep aloof from these concerns of other units. This implies that they must not interfere with those concerns by criticism either.

It is particularly urgent to initiate immediately the instruction concerning these problems to those soldiers who have been recently transferred from the West to the East; otherwise, they might become acquainted with rumors and false information concerning the meaning and the purpose of that struggle.

Signed: von Kuechler
Certified true copy:
Signed signature
Captain, GSC.

**************************************************

25 July 1940.
Oberquartiermeister.

I request the superior officers to instruct the officers and officials of their departments immediately upon their arrival in the East concerning the contents of the order of the commander in chief.

Signed: Schlieper
Certified:
Signed signature
Major
Certified true copy:
[Illegible signature]
Captain.

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#6

Post by David Thompson » 19 Oct 2004, 02:19

Extract From 17th Army Corps, Order No. 1, 23 July 1940, Initialed by Defendant Woehler", in Trials of War Criminals Before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals Under Control Council Law No. 10. Vol. 10: United States of America v. Wilhelm von Leeb, et al. (Case 12: 'The High Command Case'). US Government Printing Office, District of Columbia: 1951. p. 1238.
Partial Translation of Document NOKW-3437, Prosecution Exhibit 1601.

Headquarters XVII Army Corps
Ia No. 273/40
Top Secret.
Corps Hq.
23 July 1940
17 copies--7th copy.

Reference: 1. Commander in Chief of the Army, Army General.

Staff File No. 34, G.Z. (1st St.) (I) No. 1620/40 secret dated 5 July 1941 (distributed down to the Divisions).

* * *

2. 18th Army, Ia No. 1516/40 Top Secret dated 12 July 1941 (was not sent to the Divisions).

Corps Order No. 1: Preliminary Remarks--Corps Order No. 1 is a condensation of the main orders issued so far.

3. The soldier who comes to the East from the West must not criticize the way the political authorities conduct the ethnic struggle (Jewish problem) in the East. These tasks were given to the political authorities by the Fuehrer and are no concern of military authorities.

The Commanding General
[Signed] Kienitz
Lieutenant General, Infantry
[initial] W [Woehler].

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#7

Post by David Thompson » 19 Oct 2004, 06:48

"Goering Directive to Reich Ministers, Divisions and Plenipotentiaries General of the Four Year Plan, 19 October 1939,Concerning 'Economic Administration' in the 'Incorporated' Part of Poland and in the Government General, and the Task of Main Trustee Office East with Respect to Polish Property", in Trials of War Criminals Before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals Under Control Council Law No. 10. Vol. 13: United States of America v. Ernst von Weizsaecker, et al. (Case 11: 'Ministries Case'). US Government Printing Office, District of Columbia: 1952. pp. 718-721.
Translation of Document EC-410, Prosecution Exhibit 1286.

[A part of Document EC-410 was introduced in evidence in the IMT trial as Exhibit USA-298 and the German text of this part is reproduced in Trial of the Major War Criminals. volume XXXVI, Pages 482 and 483.]

[Handwritten] Enclosure 10.
Minister President Field Marshal Goering
Deputy for the Four Year Plan, Chairman of the Counsel of Ministers for the Defense of the Reich
St. M. Dev. 9547, Berlin, W 8
19 October 1939
Leipziger Str. 3.

To: The Reich Ministers, Divisions and Plenipotentiaries General [Concerning the functions of the Plenipotentiaries General of the Four Year Plan, see Goering's directive of 16 July 1938, Document EC-278, Prosecution Exhibit 3768, and the extract from the testimony of defendant Koerner, reproduced in section VI B, Volume XII.] of the Four Year Plan:

During the session of 10/13/1939, I issued detailed directives for the economic administration of the occupied territories. I want to recapitulate them briefly as follows:

1. The task for the economic treatment of the various administrative regions is different, depending on whether the country is involved which will be incorporated politically into the German Reich, or whether we will deal with the Government General, which in all probability will not be made a part of Germany. In the first mentioned territories, the reconstruction, development, and safeguarding of all their productive facilities and supplies must be aimed at, as well as a complete incorporation into the greater German economic system, at the earliest possible time. On the other hand, there must be removed from the territories of the Government General all raw materials, scrap materials, machines, etc., which are of use for the German war economy. Enterprises which are not absolutely necessary for the meager maintenance of the bare existence [notduerftige Aufrechterhaltung] of the population must be transferred to Germany [nach Deutschland ueberfuehrt], unless such transfer would require an unreasonably long period of time, and would make it more practicable to exploit those enterprises by giving them German orders, to be executed at their present location. (Compare also enclosure 2 of the decree of the High Command of the Armed Forces, dated 9 October 1939, No. 1927/39 secret.)

2. The fact that all the territories have formed up to now a homogeneous economic area with manifold mutual obligations, makes necessary a coordinated supervision which under the present circumstances can only be exercised from Berlin, in spite of the different kind of political treatment.

3. In my decree, dated 9/28/1939--St. M. Dev. 8924/ 39--I have already reserved that coordinated supervision for myself. I also reserve to myself under the newly regulated circumstances not only the right to issue general directives, but also to a large extent the right to issue special decrees in the economic field.

4. In order to exploit the territories--and especially those to be incorporated in the Reich--in the best way for the achievement of the Fuehrer's goal, the property in real estate, plants, mobile objects, and the rights taken out of Polish hands must be safeguarded and administered in a coordinated way. For that purpose I have founded a Main Trustee Office East [Haupttreuhandstelle Ost] which is directly and personally under me and the duties of which are as follows:

a. The seizure of the property of the Polish State within the territories occupied by German troops and the safeguarding of an orderly administration; the same applies to Polish and Jewish private property;

b. The regulation of the financial and bank problems according to further directives from the Reich Ministry of Economics;

c. The regulation of all economic measures which are necessary for the transfer of the economic direction to the various administrative territories and the settlement of all necessary disputes and accounts;

d. The preparation for an eventually necessary dispute with creditors of foreign nationality.

e. The Main Trustee Office East, with headquarters in Berlin as well as with Reich Minister Frank, [Hans Frank, Reich Minister and Governor General, had his offices at the seat of the Government General in Krakow, Poland.], will establish Trustee Offices for the individual administrative regions immediately subordinated to it. The Trustee Offices shall always keep the administrative head of their administrative region informed about their activity.

f. In the future, confiscations may be decreed only by the Main Trustee Office East, with the concurrence of the administrative heads concerned, or with the concurrence of the Governor General (supreme administrative head). Confiscations previously carried through by local agencies will remain effective only if confirmed by the Main Trustee Office East. If no confirmation has been expressed by 2/1/1940, the confiscation becomes void.

The Main Trustee Office may appoint provisional managers [kommissarische Verwalter] to manage businesses or property of any kind. If other agencies have already appointed managers, the Main Trustee Office can recall them and impose different administrators. Managers must have their balance sheets approved by the Main Trustee Office East.

The Main Trustee Office East may transfer its functions to a local trustee office.

Requisitions by the army, and utilization of real estate, furnishing, etc., for the direct needs of the civilian administration are not affected thereby.

g. The Main Trustee Office East may issue administrative regulations to carry out its tasks. General ordinances must be published in the official journals of the administrative regions to become effective.

h. The Mayor Winkler (retired), has been entrusted by me with the establishment and provisional management of the Main Trustee Office East.

5. As I have already stated in the meeting of 13 October 1939, I expect the fullest support of the measures carried out by the Main Trustee Office and the Trustee Offices from the heads of the administrative regions. The Main Trustee Office East will be in a position to complete its activity in individual administrative regions more rapidly to the extent that this support is granted without friction. Any wild confiscation, and any profiteering of individuals will be prosecuted in accordance with general penal laws and the laws of war. The essential point is that Polish property liable to confiscation shall be utilized in the interests of the Reich, that is, of the community, but not for the benefit of individuals. Signed: Goering.

Distribution:
a. Reich Minister Frank
b. Gauleiter Forster
c. Oberpraesident and Gauleiter Koch
d. Oberpraesident and Gauleiter Wagner, Breslau
e. Senate Praesident Greiser, Poznan.

Copy is transmitted herewith for your information and action.
Signed:
Goering.

Authenticated.
Strandmann
Adm. Secretary.

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#8

Post by David Thompson » 19 Oct 2004, 06:55

"Himmler Letter, 10 November 1939, Concerning Use of Police Agencies in Carrying Out Polish Property Confiscations Directed by Main Trustee Office East, and Letter of Defendant Stuckart to Reich Ministers, 5 January 1940, Requesting Them to Give the Chief of Main Trustee Office East an Opportunity to Comment on Prospective Legislation Affecting His Office: Himmler's Letter of 10 November 1939", in Trials of War Criminals Before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals Under Control Council Law No. 10. Vol. 13: United States of America v. Ernst von Weizsaecker, et al. (Case 11: 'Ministries Case'). US Government Printing Office, District of Columbia: 1952. pp. 722-724.
Partial Translation of Document 1707-PS

[Handwritten] RK 28274R
11 November 1939 W
ill--Kri-Fi-Kill, Berlin,
10 November 1939.

The Reich Leader SS and Chief of the German Police, The Reich Commissioner for the Strengthening of Germanism
SIV1 No. 886/39--176.
[Handwritten] 1. To be submitted to the Reich Minister for his information. [Initial] L. [Lammers]
[Initial] K. [Kritizinger]
11 November 1939.

2. Herr Killy [Illegible initials] Herr Ficker For information.

3. To the files [Initial] W. [Willuhn], 11/13/1939 [Initial] K. [Kritzinger], 11/13/1939 [Initial] F. [Ficker]
14 November 1939
[Handwritten] RK 554 B 40. [Handwritten] Submit after one week.
[Initial] W. [Willuhn] 11/14/1939.

To:
a. Supreme Reich Authorities, the Reich Protector in Bohemia and Moravia, and the Governor General in Krakow
b. The Reich Commissioners
c. Laender governments
d. Provincial Presidents and Government Presidents
e. Higher SS and Police leaders
[Handwritten] To the files: [Initial] W. [Willuhn].

22 November 1939.

Subject: Cooperation of the authorities of the Reich Leader SS with the Main Trustee Office East:

In agreement with the leader of the Main Trustee Office East, Burgomaster (retired) Dr. Max Winkler, I report the following:

1. In the interest of a unified directing and transfer of the eConomy to the areas of former Poland and the occupied Polish territories which have become part of the German Reich, Field Marshal Goering, as chairman of the Ministerial Council for the Defense of the Reich and Plenipotentiary for the Four Year Plan, has founded the Main Trustee Office East, which is directly subordinate to him, by a decree 19 October 1939 and has appointed the Burgomaster (retired) Dr. Max Winkler as its director. [Handwritten] RK 27076 B (39), RK 27856 B (39).

The Main Trustee Office East is located in Berlin (at present Berlin NW 87, Brueckenallee 3; from the middle of November 1939, Berlin W 9, Potsdamer Str. 28) as well as in Krakow at the office of the Governor General for the occupied Polish territories. Trustee Offices which are immediately subordinate to it are being founded in:

[Handwritten illegible notes]

Danzig for the Reichs gau Danzig-West Prussia; Poznan for the Reichs gau Poznan; Ciechanow for the Government District Ciechanow; Katowice for the Government District Katowice; Warsaw for the districts Warsaw and Lublin.

2. The Main Trustee Office East and its Trustee Offices, in executing confiscations--the right of confiscation is conferred upon them by the decree mentioned at the beginning--will make use of the authorities, organs and institutions of the Reich Leader SS and Chief of the German Police, or the organs established by him in the occupied Polish territories. Seizure and confiscation of agriculture, property (including subsidiary agricultural undertakings) of Poles or Jews, takes place exclusively through the Reich Leader SS as Reich Commissioner for the Strengthening of Germanism, if necessary in agreement with the participating Reich authorities.

3. The confiscation of the property of the Polish State will be decreed and regulated by a special order of the Ministerial Counsel for the Defense of the Reich. If the confiscation concerns agricultural property (including subsidiary agricultural undertakings) it is administered and used by the Main Trustee Office East according to directive of the Reich Leader SS who makes the necessary contact with the Reich Minister for Food and Agriculture. He may also demand that the Main Trustee Office East insofar transfer its authority to offices to be founded by him. This regulation does not affect the Forest Survey through the Reich Forestry Office and its subordinate authorities.

4. The Reich Leader SS and Chief of the German Police will requisition other property of Poles or Jews upon request of the Main Trustee Office East for the account of the German Reich and upon special request will also confiscate it. The seizure of this property is the affair of the Main Trustee Office East. [Handwritten] 124F9.

5. The Reich Leader SS and Chief of the German Police transfers liaison directors of the competent Higher SS and Police Leader according to need of the above-named Trustee Offices.

At the Main Trustee Office East a plenipotentiary (SS Lieutenant Colonel Galke) is appointed for regulating all the questions resulting from the cooperation of the Reich Leader SS and the Main Trustee Office East, who is at the same time liaison director for all authorities, organs and institutions of the Reich Leader SS.

He is stationed at the Berlin Office.

I stress the importance of having all authorities and office leaders cooperate most closely with the Main Trustee Office East of the chairman of the Ministerial Council for the Defense of the Reich and Deputy for the Four Year Plan.
[Signed] H. Himmler

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#9

Post by David Thompson » 19 Oct 2004, 07:01

Himmler Letter, 10 November 1939, Concerning Use of Police Agencies in Carrying Out Polish Property Confiscations Directed by Main Trustee Office East, and Letter of Defendant Stuckart to Reich Ministers, 5 January 1940, Requesting Them to Give the Chief of Main Trustee Office East an Opportunity to Comment on Prospective Legislation Affecting His Office: Letter of Defendant Stuckart, 5 January 1940", in Trials of War Criminals Before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals Under Control Council Law No. 10. Vol. 13: United States of America v. Ernst von Weizsaecker, et al. (Case 11: 'Ministries Case'). US Government Printing Office, District of Columbia: 1952. p. 725.
Partial Translation of Document 1707-PS, [This document contained a number of directive and letters concerning the Main Trustee Office East which are not reproduced herein. However, one of the directives contained in this document, a Goering decree of 10/19/1939, is reproduced immediately above as Document EC-410, Prosecution Exhibit 1286.], Prosecution Exhibit 2160.

[Handwritten] RK 554B
[Stamp] 9 January 1940
[Handwritten] Will-Kri-Fi.
[Handwritten] 2 corrections [Initial] F. [Ficker], 11 January 1940.

Berlin
5 January 1940,
NW 40, Koenigsplatz 6, Telephone:
[Initial] K [Kritzinger]
Dept. Z, I, II, V, VIII: 110027 III, IV, VI Unter den Linden 72: 12 00 34, Telegraph Address: Reich Minister of the Interior

[Handwritten] RK 27076B 14, RK 27856B 14, RK 28274B 14.

The Reich Minister of the Interior, No. 1 East 1119/39 4071.
[Handwritten] To the files. [Initial] W. [Willuhn].

To the Reich Ministers: [Illegible initials].

Subject: Main Trustee Office East.

The director of the Main Trustee Office East has expressed the wish to me that before laws, decrees, or other legal provisions are issued by which the tasks of an office are affected, the Main Trustee Office East be given opportunity for comment. The duties of the Main Trustee Office East are established by the letter of the Minister President Field Marshal Goering, Plenipotentiary for the Four Year Plan and chairman of the Ministerial Council for the Defense of the Reich, dated 19 October 1939--St. M. Dev. 9547. [Document EC-410, Prosecution Exhibit 1286]

In the interest of the unified execution of possible legislative measures, I ask that the wish of the Main Trustee Office East be taken into consideration.

As Deputy: [Stamp] RK 3582B,
[Signed] Dr. Stuckart,
[Handwritten] 124F11.

[Illegible handwriting].

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#10

Post by David Thompson » 19 Oct 2004, 07:06

Memorandum by Bayrhoffer, of Reich Finance Ministry, 18 January 1940, Concerning Agreement to Transfer 'Booty Funds' to the Reich Finance Main Office, and Including Copies of His Letters to Armed Forces High Command and Reich Finance Main Office on the Same Subject", in Trials of War Criminals Before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals Under Control Council Law No. 10. Vol. 13: United States of America v. Ernst von Weizsaecker, et al. (Case 11: 'Ministries Case'). US Government Printing Office, District of Columbia: 1952. pp. 726-727.
Translation of Document NG-5251, Prosecution Exhibit 3922.

Copy.
The Reich Minister of Finance
A 2004--27 Gen. B., Berlin W 8
18 January 1940
Wilhelmplatz 1-2 Note.

The following was arranged at the conference held on 11/29/1939, in agreement with the OKW, OKH, and OKM--the Ministry of Aviation was not represented. As a matter of principle--

All "Booty funds" [Beutegelder] will be passed on to the Reich Finance Main Office [Reichshauptkasse].

a. Captured zlotys: coins and banknotes--will be surrendered by the Armed Forces finance offices [Wehrmachtskassen] to the Main Administrative Office of the Reich Credit Bank at Krakow which will credit the sums surrendered to the Finance Field Office [Feldkasse] Krakow. The Finance Field Office Krakow will use these credits asreinforcements of their cash on hand, about which, however--in order to avoid confusion with the regular money withdrawals--it may not dispose through green checks, but only through special receipts. The increased amounts of cash on hand withdrawn in this way through receipts will be accounted for to the Reich Finance Main Office in the itemized balance sheets of the Finance Field Office Krakow and Military Accounting Office XVII.

b. Captured or seized securities, savings-bank books, shares, etc., will be handed over by the Armed Forces finance offices to the Reich Finance Main Office for safe-keeping or utilization.

c. On the treatment of captured or seized currency other than that described above, the High Command of the Army will issue a special regulation in the course of the next days, in collaboration with the Reich Ministry of Finance. It is intended that the Armed Forces finance
offices pass on such currency, in the shortest way possible, to the nearest Reich Bank Office which will have to transfer the equivalent to the Reich Finance Main Office to be placed into a deposit account [Verwahrkonto].

The captured and seized funds surrendered to the Reich Bank Offices by the various finance offices of the Armed Forces--Polish banknotes and coins--will then be sent by the Reich Bank (compare A 2004--27 Gen. B.) to the Main Administrative Office of the Reich Credit Office [Reichskreditkasse] at Krakow, at the disposal of the Finance Field Office Krakow.

No further action, therefore, need be taken at this end with respect to the incoming money--A 20011, 13, 26, 27 Gen. B.

Subject: Treatment of captured funds and securities as well as cash on hand in Polish currency:

In answer to your letter of 1 December 1939--35 n 19 4050/39 WH (I).

With reference to the conference of 29 November 1939, I hereby confirm that captured or seized funds, etc., irrespective whether the equivalent of Polish notes or coins or other currencies are concerned, will first have to be paid into special deposit accounts at the Reich Finance Main Office. Captured or seized securities I also beg to surrender to the Reich Finance Main Office which will take these securities into deposit and -- as far as possible -- will make available to the same deposit account the proceeds from any sales.

I beg that, in the interest of a uniform treatment, the same procedure be followed for the High Command of the Navy and for the Air Force.

Please notify me about measures you have taken. By Order: Signed: Bayrhoffer.

To the High Command of the Armed Forces in Berlin W 35: I am sending copy with reference to the conference of 11/29/1939 at the OKW for information.

By Order:
Signed: Bayrhoffer.

The Reich Finance Main Office, Berlin: L.S.,
Certified.
Signature,
Ministerialkanzleisekretaer.

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#11

Post by David Thompson » 19 Oct 2004, 07:11

"Extract From Goering's Decree on the Main Trustee Office East, 6/12/1940, Stating That the Main Trustee Office East Was an Agency of the Four Year Plan", in Trials of War Criminals Before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals Under Control Council Law No. 10. Vol. 13: United States of America v. Ernst von Weizsaecker, et al. (Case 11: 'Ministries Case'). District of Columbia: 1952. pp. 731-732
Partial Translation of Document NO-4396, Prosecution Exhibit 2162.

Decree Concerning the Main Trustee Office East [This decree was not published in the Reichgesetblatt. The decree was found a an enclosure to a letter of 6/26/1940 by SS Colonel Creutz. The portion of the decree here reproduced is discussed in the extract from the testimony of defendant Koerner reproduced later in this section.]:

The organization of the administration in the Incorporated Eastern Territories has been completed. The legislative work required for this purpose has, in the main, been brought to a conclusion. As a measure of adjustment to the changes effected thereby, I issue the following ordinance:

Section 1. Main Trustee Office East: The Main Trustee Office East is an office under the jurisdiction of the Plenipotentiary of the Four Year Plan [eine Dienststelle des Beauftragten des Vierjahrplan], charged with the execution of the duties within the limits [im Rahmen] of competency delegated by me.

Berlin, 12 June 1940.
President of the Ministerial Council for the Reich Defense and Plenipotentiary for the Four Year Plan
Goering
Field Marshal.

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#12

Post by boobazzz » 19 Oct 2004, 19:47

David, thanks for this outstanding research, very interesting and useful.
cheers.
b.

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#13

Post by David Thompson » 19 Oct 2004, 22:33

My pleasure, boobazzz. There's more documents out there, other than those used against Hans Frank, and as I run across them, I'll add them to this thread.

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#14

Post by David Thompson » 19 Oct 2004, 23:08

"Document L-37: Collective Responsibility of Members of Families of Assassins and Saboteurs [translation]", in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression. Volume VII: US Government Printing Office, District of Columbia: 1947. pp. 782-783.
Radom 19 July 1944

The Commander of the Security Police and of the Security Service (S.D.) for the district of Radom

SECRET STATE MATTER

The commander of the Security Police and of the Security Service for the District of Radom
Foreign Service Office Tomaschow
Entry on 22 May 1944 Section IV
Log. No. 21/44
IV B5/4 gR

To the Foreign Service Office in the hands of SS-Captain Thielo.
V.i.A. iz Tomaschow.
Previous correspondence: None

The higher SS and police Fuehrer Ost has issued on 28 June 1944 the following order:

"The security situation in the General Government has in the last months grown worse to such an extent, that from now on the most radical means and the harshest measures must prevail against the alien assassins and saboteurs. The Reichsfuehrer SS in agreement with the general government has ordered, that, in all cases of attack and attempted assassination against German, or where saboteurs have destroyed installations essential to life, that not only the seized perpetrators be shot but that all male kin also be executed and their female relatives over 16 years of age be put into Concentration camps. Strict presumption is hereby taken for granted, that if the perpetrator or the perpetrators are not seized, their names and addresses will be readily ascertained. Male kin may be considered to include, for example: the father, sons, (so far as they are over 16 years of age), brothers, brothers-in-law, cousins and uncles of the perpetrator. Against the women, proceedings must take place in the same manner. With this procedure it is intended, to insure a total liability of all male and female kin of the perpetrator. It furthermore affects to the utmost the family circle of the political criminal. This practice has shown for example already at the end of 1939 the best results in the new eastern territories especially in the Warthe district. As soon as this new method for combating assassins and saboteurs becomes known to these foreign people, this may be achieved by oral propaganda [Mundpropaganda] the female kin of members of the resistance movement or of bands will, as shown by experience, exert a curbing influence."

I hereby give notice of this and request in the pertinent cases (not previous ones) to locate and to arrest immediately, with the greatest possible speed the corresponding family members. I am then to be notified of the results and further instructions are to be awaited.

[signed] ILLMER Temaschero,
29 July 1944

1. Confer in details with the section chiefs Sachgebietsleiter] F.K. R

2. Z.d.A. IV L

The commander of the Security Police and the Security Service of the Radom District
IV L 21/44 gRs

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#15

Post by David Thompson » 19 Oct 2004, 23:49

"Document L-53: Clearance of Prisons [translation]", in Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression, vol. VII. US Government Printing Office, District of Columbia: 1947. pp. 814-815.
[Stamp:] Commandant of the Sipo and SD for the Radom District
Branch Office Tomaschow.
Received 24 July 1944
1225 Dept. IVL
Diary No. 22/44
Radom
21 July 1944

Commandant of the Sipo and SD for the Radom District.

4143 TOP SECRET

To: The Branch Office for the attention of SS-Hauptsturmfuehrer Thiel -- or acting deputy -- in Tomaschow.

Reference: None.

The Commander of the Sipo and SD in the General Government issued the following order in his teletype message No. 14002 dated 20 July 1944, IV 6 No. 82/44 Top Secret:
I again stress the fact that the number of inmates of the Sipo and SD prisons must be kept as low as possible. In the present situation, particularly those suspects, handed over by the Civil Police [Ordnungspolizei] need only be subjected to a short, formal interrogation, provided there are no serious grounds for suspicion. They are then to be sent by the quickest route to a concentration camp, should no court-martial proceedings be necessary or should there be no question of discharge. Please keep the number of discharges very low. Should the situation at the front necessitate it, early preparations are to be made for the total clearance of prisons. Should the situation develop suddenly in such a way that it is impossible to evacuate the prisoners, the prison inmates are to be liquidated and their bodies disposed of as far as possible (burning, blowing up the building, etc.). If necessary, Jews still employed in the armament industry or on other work are to be dealt with in the same way.

The liberation of prisoners or Jews by the enemy, be it the WB or the Red Army, must be avoided under all circumstances nor may they fall into their hands alive.


The above is to be noted and strictly complied with.

[signature illegible]

[Stamp:] The Commandant of the Sipo and SD for the Radom District
Branch Office Tomaschow
IV L 22/44
Top Secret.

[in writing] Tomaschow 26.7.44 Top Secret

SS-Obersturmfuehrer Pruess personally within the office for his information.

By order: [signature illegible]

Information received 25/7 [signed] Preuss [in writing] Tomaschow 25.7.44

[stamp:] The Commandant Sipo and SD in the Radom District IV L 22/44
Top Secret.

The 1. Direction of depts. III, V and the technical direction of IV 1, IV 2, IV 3, and IV 6 have been informed.

2. returned [?] IV L

By order:
[Signed] R.

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