Avalancheon wrote:Do you have any figures on German shell consumption in 1941?
Not really at the moment. DRZW v.4 has the following table for stocks at the beginning of Barbarossa:
So about 300k tons at the outset.
DRZW vols 4 and 5 contain extensive discussion of how ammunition production peaked in mid-'40 then declined, peaked again in mid-'41, then declined again until '42. I recall seeing monthly stats somewhere, if I find them I'll post them (can anybody help?).
Avalancheon wrote:But did you know that Marcks also made an update to his original study, where he reappraised some of his initial assumptions?
I know he updated it but I'm not clear on the timeline or content. I am translating this version from German Docs in Russian:
https://wwii.germandocsinrussia.org/ru/ ... ect/zoom/4
It's not an impressive document, IMO.
Avalancheon wrote:the Germans have fulfilled the ultimate objective of operation Barbarossa: By crushing the Red Army in battle, and driving the Soviets all the way back to the Volga river.
This raises once more the meta-question of how to determine the "ultimate objective." OKH planners may have viewed the Volga as such but Hitler stated that he'd chase Stalin to the Urals if he had to (and would give him a peace treaty if he retreated there). Hitler's conception of the Russians as "Asiatic" interlopers in Europe is consonant with the latter strategic vision. For an operation so poorly and diffusely planned there are arguments many ways for "ultimate objective." But ultimately Hitler's preference would have won out.
Avalancheon wrote:All of these factors would weigh against continuing the war. The USSR was one of the most ruthless dictatorships in history, but there comes a point where even they must draw a line in the sand. They must surely try to make peace with the Germans.
I basically agree with that logic and find it likely that SU would have thrown in the towel if Germany reaches A-A line. Crucially they will lack the productive farmland to support much population.
But as a partially rhetorical (or epistemic) matter, I've decided to hold myself to a standard higher than "likely" for the purposes of WW2 ATL's. That is, if continued Soviet resistance is feasible even if not likely, then I want a narrative in which Germany deals with that resistance. The Urals line seems apt, as even if Stalin doesn't surrender at that point Germany needs only small forces to contain the SU. And in the Urals case Japan almost certainly takes the Far East because Kwantung Army will have >2:1 numerical superiority. In the Volga case it's less clear - even if likely - that Japan takes the plunge.
Avalancheon wrote: Lend Lease? By this point, they will have lost control of Murmansk, Archangelsk, and the Caucasus. Thus, the only other place they can receive shipments of war material is at Vladivostok
Not all of the Persian Corridor LL went via the Caucasus. Allies could have beefed up infrastructure in Western Iran instead of Eastern Iran as in OTL. It takes a little longer and is still lower-capacity but it's feasible. The Persian Corridor would have remained the preferred route for high value/ton products like machine tools and finished weapons.
If Japan takes/blockades Vladivostok that's still enormously serious for SU - likely deadly. Persian Corridor is too expensive (shipping distance and infrastructure) to take all of LL.
We shouldn't underestimate FDR's commitment to the SU though. He understood - practically alone at first among the top brass - the paramount strategic value of the Red Army. I find it difficult to posit an ATL in which he gives up on the SU while it still controls the Urals etc.
Avalancheon wrote:What makes you certain that the British and Americans could pull off an even larger amphibious invasion than they historically did, even with an extra year of preparation? Isn't it possible that they might consider this operation too ambitious and too expensive to pull off?
It's possible that they'd consider it too expensive but IMO there's epistemic certainty they could have made a stronger landing:
- US landed two divisions in the Marianas in the same month as D-Day and that ship-shore landing was more materially intensive than D-Day
- D-Day and Marianas landings occurred after a ~9-month surge in landing craft production, which had declined prior to that surge (See the appendices in Global Logistics and Strategy pdf for detail).
If the Wallies build landing craft for another year and postpone a landing in Japan (good strategic sense anyway), by 1945 they probably could have made 3 D-Day's at once.
Of course if there are 200 German divisions in France, even 10 D-Day's is probably insufficient regardless of what happens on the beaches.
But if there's still a strong SU in Hitler's rear it's harder to see a massive German army in France...
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On the whole I hope it's clear that I agree with most of your analysis, I'm just applying a different standard.
Since starting my Eastern Front ATL's, I've reflected more on the sweep and import of the historical revisionism I propose. That's lead me to believe that a Nazi victory/survival ATL (phrase still makes my stomach turn) must articulate outcomes with greater probability than "likely" because, given the extraordinary nature of Nazi evil, it's hard to rebut arguments that likely events would have been overturned by extraordinary resistance and heroism (as actually happened on the Eastern Front, I'd argue).