Secretary of State at the Propaganda Ministry, and nominated by Hitler in his Testament of 29 April 1945 as the Propaganda Minister in Dönitz' Government, Dr Werner Naumann escaped from Berlin as part of the Bormann/Stumpfegger party which left the Reich Chancellery late on 1 May 1945. Instead of proceeding to Flensburg to join Dönitz he disappeared, and it has been generally accepted that he was then captured and interned by British forces.
The only Argentine author I have found who noticed Naumann is Jorge Camarasa: "Los Nazis en la Argentina", Editorial Legasa, Buenos Aires, ISBN 950-600-175-8, p.97 and 130., and Naumann is the highest ranking person in the Nazi hierarchy known to have come to Argentina immediately postwar. The manner in which he entered Argentina is not known.
In June 1947 a Buenos Aires publishing house, Dürer Verlag, owned by the former Nazi financier Ludwig Freude, began publishing a neo-Nazi magazine "Der Weg" which had been banned in Europe. It was financed by industrialists and German businessmen in Buenos Aires and German colonies in Misiones and Chaco provinces. This was investigated by Israeli agents, who noticed Naumann and reported him to the Wiesenthal Centre.
On his return to Germany in 1949 he was picked up by British forces in Germany, giving rise to the assumption that he had always been in Europe and had somehow managed to evade detection and internment.
In 1953 Dürer Verlag published his book "Nau Nau gefährdet das Empire" ("Nau Nau endangers the empire").
Werner Naumann
Re: Werner Naumann
I Translated the following Article from the CIA reading room
NAZI-VERSCHWCIRUNG
Nau-Nau
(AKA NAUMANN CIRCLE)
https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/NA ... R_0057.pdf
Dr. med. Heinrich Haselmayer, a 46-year-old general practitioner and obstetrician, was having dinner when the doorbell of his apartment at Chrysanderstrasse 32 in Hamburg- Bergedorf rang around 10:20 p.m. last Wednesday. The interruption left Dr. Haselmayer unsatisfied with his meal. Upon answering the door, the maid was informed by two civilians that they were "old acquaintances of the doctor" and wished to speak with him. However, these "acquaintances" turned out to be officials from the British military government who had come with an arrest warrant for Dr. Haselmayer and the intention to search the house.
One civilian gestured to the dark garden, signaling fifteen military policemen armed with submachine guns to approach. They were followed by a British public safety officer and a soldier. In total, eighteen individuals entered and dispersed throughout the various rooms of the house, while an additional twelve armed military policemen surrounded the premises. The British forces had arrived at Chrysanderstrasse in two cars and a truck.
In Dr. Haselmayer's apartment, along with him, were the housemaid and his four children, aged 4, 9, 12, and 15. The children were roused by two military policemen and escorted to an adjoining room, where they were watched over by an Englishman. The four-year-old Christiane's needs were only attended to under the supervision of the military police. If the children's play in the room grew louder than the overseeing military policeman preferred, he would instruct them to quiet down.
Mrs. Haselmayer, caught off guard by the confusion when she returned home around midnight, initially thought there had been a traffic accident due to the number of people present. She was quickly corrected when she was not permitted to speak to her husband nor to the children, who were still waiting in their nightgowns in the unheated room for an explanation of the British's unusual activities. The British also ignored the eldest child's attempts to communicate in school-level English.
It was only after Mrs. Haselmayer's insistent claims that it was irresponsible to keep the children awake for so long, especially in an unheated room, that they were allowed to return to their beds, which they found had been disturbed. By 1 a.m., the British
operation had concluded.
Mrs. Haselmayer recounted the events that unfolded from 10:20 p.m. to 1 a.m.: all four of the practice rooms and the kitchen on the ground floor, as well as the four living
rooms and the bathroom on the upper floor, were thoroughly searched.
The house search lasted two and a half hours, during which every room was thoroughly inspected. Two military policemen were busy dismantling the beds, stripping the duvet
covers from each of the four cots, removing the pillowcases, and flipping the mattresses. Meanwhile, other English officers were meticulously examining my husband's extensive 750-volume library.
"Each book was pulled from the shelf, dusted off, and placed on the floor. In the kitchen, every single cup and plate from the cupboards was examined. Not a single drawer or cabinet was left untouched. I asked repeatedly, 'What are you searching for? May I help you?' But my questions were met with silence. Every suit and item of clothing was
inspected, and laundry piles were sifted through piece by piece. They did not even spare the cistern of the toilet, and from my dresser, the English officers took out my report cards and schoolbooks to read them thoroughly.
"When one of the English officers noticed in the telephone directory that various numbers were circled, they consequently scrutinized all the other phone books. My husband had the habit of marking numbers—for instance, the ambulance service—so that he could find them quickly when needed. They also removed pictures from the photo albums.
"It was only just before the search operation concluded that I was permitted to speak with my husband, though under the supervision of four English officers. In their presence, he rapidly instructed me on the most urgent matters I needed to address. An officer then instructed me to prepare a pack with eight hours' worth of provisions, two
suits, underwear, and shaving gear for my husband.
I did not even have a loaf of bread at home. When I expressed this, the officer simply said, 'Well, it goes like this.' I never received an answer to my questions about why my husband was being taken away, nor had I received any explanation previously.
Until the early hours of the morning, Mrs. Haselmayer was left to put the apartment back in order.
PAGE 2
The individuals targeted were once part of the former Nazis under public safety surveillance. The most prominent of the six former National Socialists arrested in such a dramatic manner was not Dr. Heinrich Haselmayer. In 1930, he led the National Socialist Student Association in Hamburg and wrote a doctoral thesis on sterilization that year. After being detained in internment camps until 1947, he was eventually categorized into Group V and resumed his medical practice in Bergedorf.
However, there were others with a more notorious Nazi profile, for instance, Dr. Werner Naumann, the former State Secretary in the Reich Ministry of Propaganda. He experienced the war's end in Hitler's bunker in Berlin, fled to southern Germany, and eventually made his way back to Düsseldorf-Büderich, residing in the apartment of Herbert Lucht, a former German propaganda officer, with his Belgian ex-wife.
The Office for the Protection of the Constitution had long been aware of the so-called "Naumann Circle" – an underground movement pursued by the British, sometimes
informally referred to as "Nau-Nau." This group was essentially a Nazi reminiscence community, a brown camaraderie aiming to maintain influence. The circle wasn't tight- knit; rather, it was loosely connected by occasional meetings and correspondences among approximately a hundred sympathizers.
Consequently, it was not overly challenging for Otto John, the head of the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, to glean information from this group through informers. At times, he had as many as half a dozen agents within the Naumann circle, none of whom reported activities that would warrant an intrusion.
In London, correspondents questioned the timing of the Federal Republic of Germany's exposure to such an operation during a critical phase of the Western Treaties. The plot's aim was not to re-establish the Nazi Party but to leverage existing political parties for
their cause.
The conspirators had long-planned to spread anti-Western rhetoric and reject the Western treaties to set the stage for their nationalist agenda. They intended to steer this policy toward the reunification of Germany and the formation of a formidable national army. Utilizing the East-West tensions, they aspired to reclaim Germany's lost power in Europe before and after reunification. Additionally, they were allegedly receiving substantial financial backing from West German industrialists for their program.
Understanding the global political context of this British nighttime operation is crucial. The Oradour trial was ongoing in France, with the French press extensively covering the
German war crimes. In the Netherlands, there was an expectation for Germany to extradite seven war criminals who had escaped from Breda prison; the Dutch ambassador in Bonn openly expressed his shock at the leniency of the German police's search efforts. Norway awaited the extradition of two fugitive war criminals by the Federal Republic of Germany. Meanwhile, in England, Lord Norwich, previously Duff
Cooper, remarked in the House of Lords and newspaper articles that the Germans were displaying unprecedented aggression.
The narrative continued, discussing the implications of the British action on international perspectives and the internal German political response. It mentioned that following a SPIEGEL report on Goebbels' diaries, which also mentioned Naumann, the Haselmayers learned that Naumann had once again made an escape and had reestablished contact.
The British subsequently detained other notable figures such as Dr. Gustav Adolf Scheel, former Reich Student Leader, from his position at Hamburg's Rautenberg Hospital, and Dr. Karl Scharping, former Reich Broadcasting Director, who was involved in publishing
penny dreadfuls post-war in Hamburg. These individuals, including Haselmayer and Naumann, were confined in the British prison at Werl alongside former SS-Brigadeführer Paul Zimmermann and former Landrat Heinz Siepen.
A day later in Düsseldorf, Karl Kaufmann, the former Gauleiter of Hamburg, was also detained. The nocturnal operation raised suspicions that there were ulterior motives beyond public safety, especially given the involvement of high-ranking British officials as recounted by a spokesperson from the Foreign Office in London.
Sir Ivone Kirkpatrick had already traveled to London days prior to consult with Foreign Minister Anthony Eden, who had preemptively endorsed the High Commissioner's actions. Despite the political ramifications involving the current British Prime Minister, the situation did not undermine confidence in the Federal Republic of Germany as a partner in the European Defence Community (EDC). The simultaneous mention of the
EDC Treaty suggested possible underlying objectives for the arrests.
In the United States, the Eisenhower administration was preparing to maintain military readiness. Influential publications like "U.S. News and World Report" openly refuted the possibility of a Nazi resurgence, stating that the "Hitler myth" seemed extinct in Germany.
On that Thursday, as the British circulated their interpretation of the Nazi conspiracy, the German Ministers of the Interior gathered in Bonn under the leadership of Robert Lehr. Lehr, initially in agreement with the British operation, later limited his remarks to the
journalists in Bonn, questioning the future intentions of the British in Germany.
The British justification for the operation was scrutinized, and doubts were cast on the necessity of such dramatic actions in the post-1946 military government context. The conspirators were described as the intellectual elite of the Nazi Party, not seeking to
revive the Hitler myth but instead aiming for a renewed form of nationalism. Current statesman Winston Churchill was involved in political activities while Anthony Eden served as Acting Prime Minister.
As the narrative unfolds, it highlights the complexities of the political landscape, the various interpretations of the events, and the lasting suspicions and tensions in post-war Europe.
PAGE 3
The British intelligence's persuasive arguments only elicited bored expressions from the foreign correspondents. Their stories, long since reported across borders, had been
dispatched by the four major international news agencies, which relayed the British narrative and their own commentaries from "well-informed circles" between ten and twelve in the morning from London and Bonn. Unaware of these developments, the German Minister of the Interior was out of the loop; his press officer, Gerhard Milner, was absent due to health reasons. As per usual, the Federal Press Office operated without deviation. Meanwhile, the SPD and trade unions criticized the federal government's concessions, using them to fortify their anti-fascist stance.
Regarding the vitality of the Nazi ideology, it was suggested that policies should be reconsidered. Le Monde commented that the propaganda had not fully convinced everyone across the Rhine of democracy's virtues. If rearmament was to occur under reactionary and authoritarian leadership, it would only resurrect the conditions that once allowed National Socialism to seize power. However, a British spokesperson clarified that the group behind the arrests lacked significant organizational structure, yet the initial
sensational news still dominated global headlines.
The bulk of operations occurred without resistance in the British zone, where several hundred arrests took place across major cities. The American zone saw fewer arrests. The movement reportedly had branches in all zones, and Russian and French authorities were pre-informed for potential parallel actions. A high-ranking British intelligence officer later suggested that the organization had threatened the use of "a devastating new weapon," possibly biological warfare, if their demands were not met. These demands included the re-establishment of the German Army, the release of all German POWs, the creation of a totalitarian central government, an end to dismantling efforts,
the cessation of all coal exports, the reversal of key industry socialization, and the return of Silesia and East Prussia. U.S. military officials labeled the movement as "nebulous," and Military Governor Clay did not consider it a significant threat.
The detainees were soon released, and the sensational reports from 1947 had served
their political purpose, allowing the British to present themselves as committed allies at the Moscow Conference.
As for the Western press, nearly all influential newspapers in America, England, France, Belgium, Holland, and other Western European countries portrayed the Nazi narrative. Concerns in the Bonn Foreign Office suggested that the exposure of the conspiracy might have been intended to bolster France's position and pave the way for German- American cooperation.
The "Daily Telegraph" described the Nazi movement as an anti-Western crusade with communist backing, potentially heralding a new threat to civilization. "Daily Express"
warned against arming Germans, suggesting total disarmament as the only defense. "Le Figaro" highlighted the psychological impact and mistrust the discovery of the plot could cause abroad, given Germany's political instability and the overreaching influence of industrial and financial groups. The "Evening Standard" echoed these sentiments.
French Prime Minister René Mayer's visit to America and discussions with President Dwight D. Eisenhower were overshadowed by fears of a German-American alliance, which troubled British and French sentiments. Mayer could now reference the exaggerated Nazi threat, inflated by the British, as a cautionary tale.
The events paralleled a similar operation in February 1947, preceding the Moscow Four Power Conference, where a Nazi conspiracy was allegedly thwarted. The operation, code-named "Selection Board," targeted former high-ranking SS officers and aimed to
prevent the re-establishment of a Nazi government.
In academic news, the Munich University's Law Faculty, led by Professor Leo Rosenberg, challenged the proliferation of doctorates, emphasizing the importance of maintaining standards. Trainee lawyer Erich Uschold filed a legal action for clarity on the matter, which held significant implications for approximately 10,000 law students across Germany. The faculty's decision to limit promotions to candidates achieving high grades was scrutinized, reflecting broader concerns about academic integrity and the legal education process in Germany.
NAZI-VERSCHWCIRUNG
Nau-Nau
(AKA NAUMANN CIRCLE)
https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/NA ... R_0057.pdf
Dr. med. Heinrich Haselmayer, a 46-year-old general practitioner and obstetrician, was having dinner when the doorbell of his apartment at Chrysanderstrasse 32 in Hamburg- Bergedorf rang around 10:20 p.m. last Wednesday. The interruption left Dr. Haselmayer unsatisfied with his meal. Upon answering the door, the maid was informed by two civilians that they were "old acquaintances of the doctor" and wished to speak with him. However, these "acquaintances" turned out to be officials from the British military government who had come with an arrest warrant for Dr. Haselmayer and the intention to search the house.
One civilian gestured to the dark garden, signaling fifteen military policemen armed with submachine guns to approach. They were followed by a British public safety officer and a soldier. In total, eighteen individuals entered and dispersed throughout the various rooms of the house, while an additional twelve armed military policemen surrounded the premises. The British forces had arrived at Chrysanderstrasse in two cars and a truck.
In Dr. Haselmayer's apartment, along with him, were the housemaid and his four children, aged 4, 9, 12, and 15. The children were roused by two military policemen and escorted to an adjoining room, where they were watched over by an Englishman. The four-year-old Christiane's needs were only attended to under the supervision of the military police. If the children's play in the room grew louder than the overseeing military policeman preferred, he would instruct them to quiet down.
Mrs. Haselmayer, caught off guard by the confusion when she returned home around midnight, initially thought there had been a traffic accident due to the number of people present. She was quickly corrected when she was not permitted to speak to her husband nor to the children, who were still waiting in their nightgowns in the unheated room for an explanation of the British's unusual activities. The British also ignored the eldest child's attempts to communicate in school-level English.
It was only after Mrs. Haselmayer's insistent claims that it was irresponsible to keep the children awake for so long, especially in an unheated room, that they were allowed to return to their beds, which they found had been disturbed. By 1 a.m., the British
operation had concluded.
Mrs. Haselmayer recounted the events that unfolded from 10:20 p.m. to 1 a.m.: all four of the practice rooms and the kitchen on the ground floor, as well as the four living
rooms and the bathroom on the upper floor, were thoroughly searched.
The house search lasted two and a half hours, during which every room was thoroughly inspected. Two military policemen were busy dismantling the beds, stripping the duvet
covers from each of the four cots, removing the pillowcases, and flipping the mattresses. Meanwhile, other English officers were meticulously examining my husband's extensive 750-volume library.
"Each book was pulled from the shelf, dusted off, and placed on the floor. In the kitchen, every single cup and plate from the cupboards was examined. Not a single drawer or cabinet was left untouched. I asked repeatedly, 'What are you searching for? May I help you?' But my questions were met with silence. Every suit and item of clothing was
inspected, and laundry piles were sifted through piece by piece. They did not even spare the cistern of the toilet, and from my dresser, the English officers took out my report cards and schoolbooks to read them thoroughly.
"When one of the English officers noticed in the telephone directory that various numbers were circled, they consequently scrutinized all the other phone books. My husband had the habit of marking numbers—for instance, the ambulance service—so that he could find them quickly when needed. They also removed pictures from the photo albums.
"It was only just before the search operation concluded that I was permitted to speak with my husband, though under the supervision of four English officers. In their presence, he rapidly instructed me on the most urgent matters I needed to address. An officer then instructed me to prepare a pack with eight hours' worth of provisions, two
suits, underwear, and shaving gear for my husband.
I did not even have a loaf of bread at home. When I expressed this, the officer simply said, 'Well, it goes like this.' I never received an answer to my questions about why my husband was being taken away, nor had I received any explanation previously.
Until the early hours of the morning, Mrs. Haselmayer was left to put the apartment back in order.
PAGE 2
The individuals targeted were once part of the former Nazis under public safety surveillance. The most prominent of the six former National Socialists arrested in such a dramatic manner was not Dr. Heinrich Haselmayer. In 1930, he led the National Socialist Student Association in Hamburg and wrote a doctoral thesis on sterilization that year. After being detained in internment camps until 1947, he was eventually categorized into Group V and resumed his medical practice in Bergedorf.
However, there were others with a more notorious Nazi profile, for instance, Dr. Werner Naumann, the former State Secretary in the Reich Ministry of Propaganda. He experienced the war's end in Hitler's bunker in Berlin, fled to southern Germany, and eventually made his way back to Düsseldorf-Büderich, residing in the apartment of Herbert Lucht, a former German propaganda officer, with his Belgian ex-wife.
The Office for the Protection of the Constitution had long been aware of the so-called "Naumann Circle" – an underground movement pursued by the British, sometimes
informally referred to as "Nau-Nau." This group was essentially a Nazi reminiscence community, a brown camaraderie aiming to maintain influence. The circle wasn't tight- knit; rather, it was loosely connected by occasional meetings and correspondences among approximately a hundred sympathizers.
Consequently, it was not overly challenging for Otto John, the head of the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, to glean information from this group through informers. At times, he had as many as half a dozen agents within the Naumann circle, none of whom reported activities that would warrant an intrusion.
In London, correspondents questioned the timing of the Federal Republic of Germany's exposure to such an operation during a critical phase of the Western Treaties. The plot's aim was not to re-establish the Nazi Party but to leverage existing political parties for
their cause.
The conspirators had long-planned to spread anti-Western rhetoric and reject the Western treaties to set the stage for their nationalist agenda. They intended to steer this policy toward the reunification of Germany and the formation of a formidable national army. Utilizing the East-West tensions, they aspired to reclaim Germany's lost power in Europe before and after reunification. Additionally, they were allegedly receiving substantial financial backing from West German industrialists for their program.
Understanding the global political context of this British nighttime operation is crucial. The Oradour trial was ongoing in France, with the French press extensively covering the
German war crimes. In the Netherlands, there was an expectation for Germany to extradite seven war criminals who had escaped from Breda prison; the Dutch ambassador in Bonn openly expressed his shock at the leniency of the German police's search efforts. Norway awaited the extradition of two fugitive war criminals by the Federal Republic of Germany. Meanwhile, in England, Lord Norwich, previously Duff
Cooper, remarked in the House of Lords and newspaper articles that the Germans were displaying unprecedented aggression.
The narrative continued, discussing the implications of the British action on international perspectives and the internal German political response. It mentioned that following a SPIEGEL report on Goebbels' diaries, which also mentioned Naumann, the Haselmayers learned that Naumann had once again made an escape and had reestablished contact.
The British subsequently detained other notable figures such as Dr. Gustav Adolf Scheel, former Reich Student Leader, from his position at Hamburg's Rautenberg Hospital, and Dr. Karl Scharping, former Reich Broadcasting Director, who was involved in publishing
penny dreadfuls post-war in Hamburg. These individuals, including Haselmayer and Naumann, were confined in the British prison at Werl alongside former SS-Brigadeführer Paul Zimmermann and former Landrat Heinz Siepen.
A day later in Düsseldorf, Karl Kaufmann, the former Gauleiter of Hamburg, was also detained. The nocturnal operation raised suspicions that there were ulterior motives beyond public safety, especially given the involvement of high-ranking British officials as recounted by a spokesperson from the Foreign Office in London.
Sir Ivone Kirkpatrick had already traveled to London days prior to consult with Foreign Minister Anthony Eden, who had preemptively endorsed the High Commissioner's actions. Despite the political ramifications involving the current British Prime Minister, the situation did not undermine confidence in the Federal Republic of Germany as a partner in the European Defence Community (EDC). The simultaneous mention of the
EDC Treaty suggested possible underlying objectives for the arrests.
In the United States, the Eisenhower administration was preparing to maintain military readiness. Influential publications like "U.S. News and World Report" openly refuted the possibility of a Nazi resurgence, stating that the "Hitler myth" seemed extinct in Germany.
On that Thursday, as the British circulated their interpretation of the Nazi conspiracy, the German Ministers of the Interior gathered in Bonn under the leadership of Robert Lehr. Lehr, initially in agreement with the British operation, later limited his remarks to the
journalists in Bonn, questioning the future intentions of the British in Germany.
The British justification for the operation was scrutinized, and doubts were cast on the necessity of such dramatic actions in the post-1946 military government context. The conspirators were described as the intellectual elite of the Nazi Party, not seeking to
revive the Hitler myth but instead aiming for a renewed form of nationalism. Current statesman Winston Churchill was involved in political activities while Anthony Eden served as Acting Prime Minister.
As the narrative unfolds, it highlights the complexities of the political landscape, the various interpretations of the events, and the lasting suspicions and tensions in post-war Europe.
PAGE 3
The British intelligence's persuasive arguments only elicited bored expressions from the foreign correspondents. Their stories, long since reported across borders, had been
dispatched by the four major international news agencies, which relayed the British narrative and their own commentaries from "well-informed circles" between ten and twelve in the morning from London and Bonn. Unaware of these developments, the German Minister of the Interior was out of the loop; his press officer, Gerhard Milner, was absent due to health reasons. As per usual, the Federal Press Office operated without deviation. Meanwhile, the SPD and trade unions criticized the federal government's concessions, using them to fortify their anti-fascist stance.
Regarding the vitality of the Nazi ideology, it was suggested that policies should be reconsidered. Le Monde commented that the propaganda had not fully convinced everyone across the Rhine of democracy's virtues. If rearmament was to occur under reactionary and authoritarian leadership, it would only resurrect the conditions that once allowed National Socialism to seize power. However, a British spokesperson clarified that the group behind the arrests lacked significant organizational structure, yet the initial
sensational news still dominated global headlines.
The bulk of operations occurred without resistance in the British zone, where several hundred arrests took place across major cities. The American zone saw fewer arrests. The movement reportedly had branches in all zones, and Russian and French authorities were pre-informed for potential parallel actions. A high-ranking British intelligence officer later suggested that the organization had threatened the use of "a devastating new weapon," possibly biological warfare, if their demands were not met. These demands included the re-establishment of the German Army, the release of all German POWs, the creation of a totalitarian central government, an end to dismantling efforts,
the cessation of all coal exports, the reversal of key industry socialization, and the return of Silesia and East Prussia. U.S. military officials labeled the movement as "nebulous," and Military Governor Clay did not consider it a significant threat.
The detainees were soon released, and the sensational reports from 1947 had served
their political purpose, allowing the British to present themselves as committed allies at the Moscow Conference.
As for the Western press, nearly all influential newspapers in America, England, France, Belgium, Holland, and other Western European countries portrayed the Nazi narrative. Concerns in the Bonn Foreign Office suggested that the exposure of the conspiracy might have been intended to bolster France's position and pave the way for German- American cooperation.
The "Daily Telegraph" described the Nazi movement as an anti-Western crusade with communist backing, potentially heralding a new threat to civilization. "Daily Express"
warned against arming Germans, suggesting total disarmament as the only defense. "Le Figaro" highlighted the psychological impact and mistrust the discovery of the plot could cause abroad, given Germany's political instability and the overreaching influence of industrial and financial groups. The "Evening Standard" echoed these sentiments.
French Prime Minister René Mayer's visit to America and discussions with President Dwight D. Eisenhower were overshadowed by fears of a German-American alliance, which troubled British and French sentiments. Mayer could now reference the exaggerated Nazi threat, inflated by the British, as a cautionary tale.
The events paralleled a similar operation in February 1947, preceding the Moscow Four Power Conference, where a Nazi conspiracy was allegedly thwarted. The operation, code-named "Selection Board," targeted former high-ranking SS officers and aimed to
prevent the re-establishment of a Nazi government.
In academic news, the Munich University's Law Faculty, led by Professor Leo Rosenberg, challenged the proliferation of doctorates, emphasizing the importance of maintaining standards. Trainee lawyer Erich Uschold filed a legal action for clarity on the matter, which held significant implications for approximately 10,000 law students across Germany. The faculty's decision to limit promotions to candidates achieving high grades was scrutinized, reflecting broader concerns about academic integrity and the legal education process in Germany.
-
Halfdan S.
- Member
- Posts: 2706
- Joined: 08 Oct 2007, 03:02
- Location: Copenhagen
Re: Werner Naumann
Interesting, thanks for posting - and welcome to the forum 
Regards
Halfdan S.
Regards
Halfdan S.