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Ideologically, Stern envisaged in his writings and in his manifesto “Principles of Birth” a national resurgence that corresponded closely with the fascist models of the period (even if in a very romanticized version). In the practical sphere, Stern sought cooperation with the Axis forces in the struggle against the British Mandate.
In January 1941, following a failed attempt to make contact with the Italian representation in Palestine, Stern sent one of his people to approach the German representative in Beirut. That effort also came to nothing (in large measure due to cost-benefit calculations of the German Foreign Ministry), but did prompt the British to step up their hunt for both Stern and members of his organization.
Were the ties between the Revisionist movement and the fascist regimes based on deep, authentic affinity, or only on shared interests in the struggle against Britain’s rule in the Mediterranean?
In the case of Jabotinsky, who was far from being a socialist but espoused the importance and application of liberal democratic values, it can be assumed that it was a temporary nexus of interests.
But to judge by the speeches, articles, songs and motions for the agenda of the members of the circle advocating a maximalist approach in Palestine, and afterward of the Irgun, its members viewed fascism as a worthy and even desirable path to follow.
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People know how to use links, after all the Internet has existed for over twenty years.
And It's a knee-jerk reaction because the subject isn't controversial and old news.
From Zionism and the Foundations of Israeli Diplomacy by Sasson Sofer:
Stem put forward one of the wildest plans ever proposed by a Zionist leader, the plan of the 'forty thousand'. His attempts to reach agreement with the Axis powers, Italy and Germany, were similarly audacious in political and moral terms.
Several versions of the plan of the 'forty thousand' appear in Revisionist historiography, but the essence remains the same — gathering together forty thousand young Jews, arming them and bringing them to the shores of Palestine by boat. Once there, they would launch a surprise attack on the British, who were busy fighting Germany. Inspired by Garibaldi and Pilsudski, Stem's idea was both bold and delusive. It required a particularly fevered imagination to believe that during the course of the Second World War it would be possible to gain the support of one of the Axis powers or Poland, overcome the logistical problems involved in sailing hundreds of vessels across the Mediterranean, making an amphibian landing along the coast — from Rosh Hanikra to Gaza — and fighting the British Army.
The aspiration to secure a political alliance with Italy and Germany was also something of a mirage, while indicating adherence to calculating, cynical Realpolitik. Although the members of Lehi built a smokescreen around that diplomatic undertaking, their intentions cannot be concealed. The document known as the Jerusalem Agreement, dating from September 1940, was the result of negotiations with the Italian consul in Jerusalem, Count Quinto Mazzolini, and with intermediaries who, it seems, were agents of British Intelligence. Under the terms of the agreement, in return for Italy's recognition of Jewish sovereignty and help in attaining it, Zionism would come under the aegis of Italian Fascism. The Mediterranean would in effect be recognized as an Italian mare nostrum, and the Jewish state which would arise would make political alliances only with Italy's approval. The model of a corporate economic regime would be reproduced in Palestine, and when the time came to discuss 'the just division of power in the world', the only Jewish political entity in the world would support Mussolini.
Far away in Europe, in the spring of 1940, Eldad wrote:
From a purely Zionist point of view, a pure and consistent point of view, it is not Hitler who is the enemy of the Jews and the Return to Zion, it is not Hitler who condemns us to fall into his hands time and again, but only Britain!
On two occasions Stern tried to establish contact with representatives of the Third Reich, in the hope of making an alliance with Nazi Germany. Late in 1940 a Lehi representative, Naftali Lubenchik, went to Beirut, where he submitted Stern's proposal to the German diplomat Otto Werner von Hentig. The document Lubenchik submitted was unprecedented.
It proposed 'commonality of interests between the intentions of the new order in Germany' and the national aspirations of the Jewish people. The Lehi commander was also extremely radical with regard to the regime of the future Jewish state. It would be based on nationalist and totalitarian principles, and linked to the German Reich by an alliance ...' At the end of 1941 Stern tried again to establish ties with Germany, but his representative, Yellin-Mor, was captured by the British in Syria and prevented from completing his mission. Leaving the ethical aspect of Stern's proposal aside, it indicates total incomprehension of both the character of the Nazi regime and contemporary historical trends.
While the Second World War was being waged, Stem was prepared to believe that the Jewish community of Palestine would be in no danger, even if the Germans occupied the country. His definition of the British as the enemy, and of the Germans as 'the foe', was merely semantic. It made no difference to Stern if the world order was under the hegemony of the democracies or of totalitarian Fascism.
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Fascist ideology had no opinion on Jews. Many Jews had important positions in Fascist Italy. Only after influence from Nazi Germany things changed.
And Fascists have always have been Socialists, that is another of journalism jobs to hide since WW2.