British Plans and Yugoslavia - Feb 1941

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Tom from Cornwall
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British Plans and Yugoslavia - Feb 1941

#1

Post by Tom from Cornwall » 04 Jun 2017, 20:26

I came across this document today in CAB121/674 and thought it might be of interest:
Circulated for the consideration of the Chiefs of Staff

THE CIRCULATION OF THIS PAPER IS STRICTLY LIMITED. IT IS CIRCULATED
FOR THE PERSONAL USE OF …Col Hollis …
(THIS DOCUMENT IS THE PROPERTY OF HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY’S GOVERNMENT.

TO BE KEPT UNDER LOCK AND KEY
SECRET
J.P. (41) 155
25th February, 1941.

WAR CABINET
JOINT PLANNING STAFF

ATTITUDE OF YUGOSLAVIA

Report by the Joint Planning Staff

As instructed by the Chiefs of Staff x we have examined Belgrade Telegram No. 289 + and submit our comments below.

Reliability of Report

2. We would point out that the probable attitude of Yugoslavia and the description of the plans she is likely to adopt, as outlined in this telegram, should be viewed with some scepticism as Tupanyanin’s Party is in receipt of a subsidy from H.M. Government.

On the other hand, the present scattered dispositions of the Yugoslav armies tally with movements of this type.

Yugoslav Plan

3. As regards the outline plan contained in the telegram:-

(a) Withdrawal of left flank of Yugoslav army into Bosnia where it would be supported by our Fleet from bases at Sibanik and Cattaro.

The commitments of our naval forces in the Eastern Mediterranean, apart from offensive operations, now include the convoying of supplies to Malta, the protection of our sea communications to Benghazi and the supply of Allied forces in Greece. The last of these is likely to increase very greatly as our forces there are increased. A further commitment of supplying Yugoslavia through Adriatic ports is out of the question with the forces available to the Commander-in-Chief, Mediterranean, even if bases on the Yugoslav/Adriatic coast were available to us. Moreover, operations to ship supplies through the Adriatic to Yugoslav ports would be extremely hazardous.

This army would probably, in the end, be cut off.

x C.O.S. (41) 69th Meeting.
+ Annex

- 1 -

(b) Defence of Danube and Sava by Remainder of Northern Army and, Eventually, Withdrawal to Centre of Yugoslavia.

In general the northern part of Yugoslavia is exposed to flank attacks from Roumania and Northern Bulgaria. It is also more open and suitable for German armoured forces. It is unlikely that the Yugoslavs could consolidate on any line north of the Nish/Sarajevo area, south of which the country, being mountainous, is more suitable for delaying action.

(c) Attack by Southern Army on Italians in Albania through Scutari.

An advance via Scutari limits the Yugoslavs to routes close to the coast where they would be exposed to Italian Fleet action. An additional line of advance would be in the south-east corner of Albania towards Elbasan and Durazzo.

Any action against the Italians in Albania would be strategically sound, as it would threaten Italian base ports and communications and so reduce the pressure on the Greeks, enabling the latter to redispose their forces to meet a German attack. The moral effect on the Italians of a threat to their rear is likely to be considerable.

(d) Another Army Simultaneously to Attack Bulgaria.

This action is again strategically sound. The main German line of advance through Bulgaria into Greece, the railway line in the Struma Valley, lies within 15 – 20 miles from, and parallel to, the Yugoslav/Bulgarian frontier. There are several routes by which Yugoslav forces could attack this line. Any interruption to this German line of communication would have valuable delaying effects on a German advance into Greece.

(e) An Army of 300,000 men to be Established in Southern Serbia for the Defence of Salonika, and Eventual Withdrawal from Yugoslavia if forced.

While such action would be valuable in preventing a German attack on Greece through Yugoslavia, it could not prevent a German attack on Salonika through Bulgaria.

If the Greeks were holding the Aliakmon / Edessa line, west of Salonika, the Yugoslav army’s only route for an eventual withdrawal into Greece would be through the Monastir Gap or Albania.

If the Germans advanced into Northern Yugoslavia, the Yugoslav forces in the south of that country would be cut off from their arsenals. They are reported, however, to have established dumps of supplies in the south.

In the event of their withdrawal into Greece we should have to become responsible for the whole commitment, if not of re-equipping them, at least of supplying them with the whole of their requirements. This we could not undertake.

- 2 -

Yugoslav Air Forces.

4. Yugoslavia has the best equipped and trained air force in the Balkan countries. It includes some 170 bombers and 120 fighters of modern types. A general retirement would deprive this force of most of its main bases but there are at least twelve first class aerodromes south of Sarajevo from which it could continue operating so long as its supplies and reserves lasted.

There is one serious weakness, namely lack of petrol. It is estimated that there is only sufficient aviation petrol in the country for three weeks of intensive warfare.

Conclusions.

5. In our opinion the best offensive action which the Yugoslavs could take would be to attack the Italians in Albania and the German lines of communication in the Struma Valley. These offensives would be of invaluable assistance to the Greeks if carried out in time; as the delay which they would impose on the Italians and Germans would enable the Greeks to re-dispose their forces to meet a German attack.

In addition we should hope that the Yugoslavs would offer the maximum amount of delaying action to a German advance into Yugoslavia from the north and the northeast.

6. It is of the first strategic importance that the Yugoslavs should be persuaded that their plans should include:-

(a) The concentration in the south of Yugoslavia of their main forces, which are at present very dispersed.

(b) A covering force to be available in the north and north-east to delay a German advance on the lines of the Danube and Sava and to carry out the maximum amount of demolitions, withdrawal of rolling stock and destruction of barges on the Danube. This force to continue its delaying action in the mountainous area south of Nish.

(c) Striking forces to be concentrated in the south-east and south-west of Yugoslavia for offensives into the Struma Valley and Albania respectively.

(d) The maximum amount of supplies and material to be concentrated in the South.

(e) Strong measures to be taken for the control of 5th Columnists and defence of aerodromes and vital points against sabotage.

- 3 -

7. We agree with the suggestion in paragraph 6 of the telegram that a fresh Naval demonstration in the Adriatic would be most useful at the present moment. We do not recommend that the Commander-in-Chief, Mediterranean, should be pressed to make one, as we think his hands are quite full with his present commitments and operations against the Dodecanese. Furthermore, we are sure that the value of his last operation in the Adriatic was such that, if it is possible, the Commander-in-Chief, Mediterranean, would himself wish to repeat it if forces become available.

(Signed)

I.S.O. PLAYFAIR

C.E.H. MEDHURST

W.G. ANDREWES.

Cabinet War Room.

25th February, 1941.

NOTE. Brigadier Playfair has not yet had the opportunity of seeing this report in its final form and reserves the right to make any minor amendments.



ANNEX.
DEPARTMENTAL (SECRET)

Decypher Mr. Campbell, Belgrade.
D. 8.00 p.m. 23rd February, 1941
R. 2.55 a.m. 24th February, 1941

No. 289

IMMEDIATE

MOST SECRET

Tupanyanin discussed Yugoslav Government’s attitude and intentions with W on 24th February (sic).

W gave account of meeting with Germans which Tupanyanin found satisfactory. W said object of invitation was to discover Yugoslav’s position with regard to invasion of Bulgaria which (he is convinced) Germany will not undertake without knowing what it is. Yugoslav Ministers had left Germans guessing and would try to keep them guessing. W anticipated further German effort to find out before invading Bulgaria.

2. W said decisively that if Germany invaded Bulgaria to attack Greece, Yugoslavia would act. Plan in case of war was as follows:-

(a) Northern Army on left and Italian frontier would retire fighting on Bosnia where country would make German progress difficult. It would be based on Adriatic where British Fleet could support it and give possibilities of revictualling. British Fleet to make bases of Sibenik and Cattaro. This army would probably, in the end, be cut off.

(b) Second part of Northern Army would defend the line of the Danube and Sava and would retire if necessary towards the centre.

(c) Southern army would at once attack Italians in Albania through Scutari.

(d) Another army would simultaneously attack Bulgaria.

(e) An army of 300,000 men would be posted in South Serbia for the defence of Salonika and to provide force which if necessary could withdraw from the country (so that Yugoslav Government would have army in being if country finally overrun).

3. W realised that Yugoslavia could not wait to act until the Germans were almost at Salonika. He said that precautionary measures were being taken.

4. W said that Matchek had declared himself as completely in agreement with the plan and as ready to go through with it to the end. No Ministers except Matchek were cognisant of it. Tupanyanin says it can only be plan decided

- 5 -

on by F and that nothing was said to indicate that it depended on Turkish action. Tupanyanin is satisfied in his opinion, that W spoke with full sense of responsibility, and that what he said represented a genuine decision.

5. Tupanyanin scouted the idea of any strong or effective move amongst leading members of the Government in favour of passivity.

6. Tupanyanin thought that you should be informed at once of the foregoing in strict confidence in case you were forming plans. He said that he realised that it was improbable that the Royal Navy could play the role contemplated but (? thought) a fresh naval demonstration in the Adriatic would be most useful at the moment, with which I agree.

7. W’s statements should for the present be kept for ourselves.

8. Tupanyanin’s impression after conversation with Minister for Foreign Affairs on 22nd February is that he will work for Yugoslav neutrality to the last moment but will not consent to anything contrary to the integrity and honour of Yugoslavia.

9. I propose to urge again the danger of leaving Germany in doubt.

Repeated to Cairo No. 72 for Secretary of State and Middle East, Athens No. 104 for Secretary of State.
I'll see if I can find out what the COS thought of it.

Regards

Tom

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Re: British Plans and Yugoslavia - Feb 1941

#2

Post by OldBill » 04 Jun 2017, 21:44

This is quite interesting!


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Re: British Plans and Yugoslavia - Feb 1941

#3

Post by MarkN » 05 Jun 2017, 11:46

Another excellent find Tom....

Belgrade was, at that time, riven by different factions pulling in all manner of directions.

This is the 'official' effort of the Yugoslav leadership:-

On 14 February, Yugolsav Prime Minister and Foreign Minister were in the Reich meeting with Hitler and Ribbentrop to discuss terms of Yugoslavia joining the Tripartite Pact. They were there on the instructions of the Prince Regent.

On their return, the Prince Regent called in the British Ambassador to ask him what the British would/could do for Yugoslavia instead. The British Ambassador was unable to respond immediately and cabled London for instructions. He presented London's answer in the form of an official 'memorandum' on 20 February. It was wishy-washy promising nothing but at the same time hoping to convince Yugoslavia to fight the Axis by joining a Greek-Turkish alliance the British were trying to cook up.

The following day (21 February), the Yugoslav Ambassador was sent into the Foreign Office in London to try and flesh out more detail and was brushed off by Buttler.

Meanwhile (21-23 February), the Yugoslav Foreign Minister was in Athens and Ankara trying to find out whether there was any real substance to this 'Balkan pact' against the Axis. Since there was very little, he left with the impression that it was a waste of time.

Also, the Prince Regent had sent a personal representative to Rome to discuss details of joining the Tripartite Pact and to flesh out the 'secret plan' that Yugoslavia would occupy and then be rewarded with Salonika after joining the Tripartite Pact....

On 25 February, the Prince Regent summoned the German Ambassador in Belgrade and agreed that he would travel personally (in secret) to Germany to meet with Hitler.

---

And while all that is going on, W is meeting with Tupanjanin to tell him that Yugoslavia is about to go to war with Germany and Italy and Bulgaria.

:lol:

PS. I don't have a CoS response specific to this document, but several (and others similar) dated in the following days. It is clear from those that the idea was not really taken that seriously. However, whilst they never assumed it would occur - there is also indications that their hope that it would occur influenced subsequent British decision making.

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Re: British Plans and Yugoslavia - Feb 1941

#4

Post by jwsleser » 05 Jun 2017, 22:30

Tom

Thank you for posting this message. Is W identified (sorry if I missed a reference).

Some very interesting points in the message.

Pista! Jeff
Jeff Leser

Infantrymen of the Air

Tom from Cornwall
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Re: British Plans and Yugoslavia - Feb 1941

#5

Post by Tom from Cornwall » 14 Jun 2017, 17:51

Jeff,

Sorry - I couldn't find a reference to who "W" was.

Regards

Tom

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Re: British Plans and Yugoslavia - Feb 1941

#6

Post by Tom from Cornwall » 14 Jun 2017, 17:56

Hi,

I've now found the COS response to the JPS paper on the "Attitude of Yugoslavia" of 25 Feb 41 (same reference: CAB121/674):
PRIME MINISTER.

You asked for the comments of the Chiefs of Staff on the attached Telegram from Belgrade (Flag A) [3 – No. 289, 23.2.41]. These are as follows:

2. Tupanyanin’s party is in receipt of a subsidy from His Majesty’s Government; we must therefore view with some scepticism the attitude and plans of Yugoslavia as outlined in this Telegram.

3. Parts of the plan are sound, particularly the attack by the Yugoslav Southern Army on the Italians in Albania (paragraph 2 (c)). As a whole, however, the plan is idealistic and impracticable owing to maintenance difficulties. For example, our Fleet could not support and supply the Yugoslav Southern Army in Bosnia.

4. As regards the proposal in paragraph 6, the Commander-in-Chief, Mediterranean is fully aware of the desirability of staging another naval demonstration in the Adriatic and can be relied on to do so, but his other commitments would probably preclude him from doing so at the present time.

5. It was clear that we could not enter into conversations with the Yugoslavs on this plan without disclosing the source of our information and at the same time making clear how little help we can give.

6. More will be known about this position when Mr. Eden returns.

[sgd: A.D. Nicholl]

26th February, 1941.
Seen by Prime Minister.
No Comment.

[sgd: ??]
2/3.
Interestingly, this was the period when Churchill appears to have given Wavell, Eden and Dill several opportunities to back out of the Greek enterprise - perhaps under the influence of the Chiefs of Staff?

I also noted that one of the members of the JPS team was I.S.O. Playfair who would later be the author of the British Official History for this period.

There are several more appreciations by JPS and JIC in this file that I will post up over the next few days.

Regards

Tom

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Re: British Plans and Yugoslavia - Feb 1941

#7

Post by Tom from Cornwall » 14 Jun 2017, 18:08

Mark,

As you say:
Belgrade was, at that time, riven by different factions pulling in all manner of directions.
What seems clear, however, is that no one in the UK was reflecting on the effect that internal division would have on the Yugoslav army - lots of very cursory analysis that seems to consider the Yugoslav army and air force as equally effective as their German equivalent. Have you seen anything from the military attaché in Belgrade? This file contains several telegrams from the Naval Attaché but not from his army equivalent.

In Wilson's post-Greece report he blames the British Military Mission in Greece for the catastrophic misjudgement of Yugoslavia's capability to resist German attack, which seems a bit unfair as it wasn't their job and they were only going off the same reports as the War Office in London. Having said that, he blames Heywood and the B.M.M. for just about everything that went wrong - standard military practice obviously - avoid responsibility by selecting a scapegoat! :D

Regards

Tom

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Re: British Plans and Yugoslavia - Feb 1941

#8

Post by MarkN » 15 Jun 2017, 17:24

Hello Tom,
Tom from Cornwall wrote: What seems clear, however, is that no one in the UK was reflecting on the effect that internal division would have on the Yugoslav army - lots of very cursory analysis that seems to consider the Yugoslav army and air force as equally effective as their German equivalent. Have you seen anything from the military attaché in Belgrade? This file contains several telegrams from the Naval Attaché but not from his army equivalent.
Plenty of cables from Colonel Clarke to be found in FO371 series files. Lots of reports generated from that info too. London had everything they needed to form an accurate and correct picture of what the Yugoslav Army was capable of. Some of the readers understood it all too. Pierson-Dixon (senior chappie on the SOUTHERN desk at the FCO) commenting on Clarke's cable sent just after Italian attack on Greece (October 1940): "[the cable] confirms our supposition that political decisions will mitigate against the adoption of the right strategic plan in the event of invasion, i.e. the abandonment of Croatia and withdrawal to old Serbia."

To put that into context (and recalling lengthy discussions in the other thread on Greece regarding Papagos and Greek decision-making), Papagos (and the British military) recognised that Yugoslavia needed to concentrate its forces in the south if it were to offer any credible support to Greece. I.e. it had to abandon Slovenia, Croatia and most - if not all - of Bosnia to generate sufficiant concentration of force to face down the Germans. This quote demonstrates that the FCO had already "supposed" that this would not happen, and Clarke's cable was confirming it. Clarke's cable was based upon conversations with Yugoslav military planners who were, at that time revising plan after plan with the general trend of ever greater dispersion of force along their entire border.

In otherwords, the British knew all along that Yugoslavia was not going to deliver the defensive posture that Papagos was dreaming of. How well, if at all, British military negotiators put across this point to the Greeks is debatable. It doesn't really show up in the documents I have. Why this was not done is one of the many enigmas flowing from the Anglo-Greek discussions.
Tom from Cornwall wrote: In Wilson's post-Greece report he blames the British Military Mission in Greece for the catastrophic misjudgement of Yugoslavia's capability to resist German attack, which seems a bit unfair as it wasn't their job and they were only going off the same reports as the War Office in London. Having said that, he blames Heywood and the B.M.M. for just about everything that went wrong - standard military practice obviously - avoid responsibility by selecting a scapegoat! :D
The British military were fundamentally incapable of learning the 'right' lessons from their military failures. Even now, spring 1941, the British have still not grasped the military power of the Wehrmacht. The British still think they are equal to the Germans and that their failure was down to the damned Frenchies for letting the BEF be outflanked. Despite the more accurate understanding shown by the Pierson-Dixon quote above, there still seems to be a significant number of senior British military staff (and probably Greek too) who are estimating Yugoslav capability as a product of the number of divisions multiplied by their past stubborness and determination to resist. A failure to grasp that the Wehrmacht had developed a new strategy where they exploited technology to defeat the enemy through movement and manouver rather than attrition meant that 28 Yugoslav divisions x numerous tactical victories 20-30 years earlier was an irrelevancy.

Colonel Clarke provided all the information required. It seems to have been correctly understood (at least in some circles) in London. That understanding seems to have been lost upon those in the Middle East and Greece.

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Re: British Plans and Yugoslavia - Feb 1941

#9

Post by Tom from Cornwall » 15 Jun 2017, 21:14

Mark,

Thanks, that's really useful. Colonel Clarke seems to have it nailed on...wonder what happened to him?
Despite the more accurate understanding shown by the Pierson-Dixon quote above, there still seems to be a significant number of senior British military staff (and probably Greek too) who are estimating Yugoslav capability as a product of the number of divisions multiplied by their past stubbornness and determination to resist. A failure to grasp that the Wehrmacht had developed a new strategy where they exploited technology to defeat the enemy through movement and manouver rather than attrition meant that 28 Yugoslav divisions x numerous tactical victories 20-30 years earlier was an irrelevancy.
I've got good evidence of exactly that in a JIC appreciation which I'll post up. Pierson-Dixon accompanied Eden and Dill around the Balkans in Feb - Mar 41; it would be interesting if the experience caused him to change his appreciation of likely Yugoslav combat capability.

Regards

Tom

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Re: British Plans and Yugoslavia - Feb 1941

#10

Post by Tom from Cornwall » 15 Jun 2017, 21:21

Still from CAB121/674:
33
TO BE KEPT UNDER LOCK AND KEY

Circulated for the consideration of the Chiefs of Staff

(THIS DOCUMENT IS THE PROPERTY OF HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY’S GOVERNMENT.

SECRET
J.I.C. (41) 123.
28th March, 1941.

WAR CABINET

JOINT INTELLIGENCE SUB-COMMITTEE

AN INTELLIGENCE APPRECIATIN OF POSSIBLE ACTION

BY YUGOSLAVIA.

The Chiefs of Staff Committee, at their 111th Meeting held on the 27th March, 1941 [29], instructed the Joint Intelligence Sub-Committee to prepare an Intelligence Appreciation upon the strength and disposition of the Yugoslav armed forces and their possible action against our enemies.

We report as follows:-

1. POLITICAL.

The Government that has been formed in Yugoslavia, following upon the coup d’etat, comprises representatives of the main elements in the country. Its strongest members are the Prime Minister, General Simovitch, a Serb, and M. Matchek, the Croat leader; and its weakest is the Minister of Foreign Affairs M. Nintchitch who is old and second rate. The new Prime Minister is a former Chief of the General Staff and is the present Chief of the Air Staff. He is an outstanding man and the only soldier considered capable of leading the country.

The new Government should be able to maintain the unity of the country. The Armed Forces and Police are considered loyal and well disciplined and are likely to support the new regime. On the other hand, the country is made up of numerous races and is divided in religion. The elements of disintegration are therefore present, but the Serb element should be sufficient to guarantee stability and resistance, at all events in the South.

2. ARMED FORCES OF THE COUNTRY.

The morale of the armed forces is high and all the troops, more especially the Serbs, are sturdy fighters.

(a) Army.

The war strength of the Yugoslav Army is over one million men, of which 800,000 are so far mobilised.

- 1 -

The Army is organised as under:

23 Infantry Divisions.
1 Guards Division.
3 Cavalry Division.

7 further Infantry Divisions will be mobilised but it will not be possible to equip them fully.

Divisions are strong in man power (25,000 to 30,000) but the scale of artillery is low (48 Field Guns and 12-24 Anti-Tank Guns per Division). The Army’s chief weakness lies in a lack of anti-aircraft and anti-tank artillery and in reserves of artillery ammunition. There are approximately 100 tanks in the Army, mostly modern.

(b) Air Force.

Yugoslavia has the best equipped and trained Air Force in the Balkan countries. It includes some 170 Bombers and 120 Fighters of modern types of which about one-third are British.

The weakness is lack of spares, including spares for French, German and Italian types, and of aviation spirit which is estimated to be sufficient only for one month’s intensive operations. Unless these disabilities can be overcome the efficiency of the Yugoslav air force will deteriorate rapidly.

(c) Navy.

The Yugoslav Navy consists of the following:

4 modern Destroyers.
8 Torpedo Boats.
10 motor torpedo boats.
4 Submarines.

These ships are in good condition and can be re-fitted in Yugoslav yards.

The Senior Officers, most of whom are former members of the Austro-Hungarian Navy, are efficient and pro-British. The men, as a whole, are keen, intelligent and of good physique.

(d) Merchant Navy.

This amounts to 187 ships, totalling 410,000 tons. The main commercial port is Susak which adjoins Fiume.

3. ECONOMIC.

Yugoslavia is at present short of certain foodstuffs of which wheat is the most important and there is local rationing in force. Other important shortages are medical supplies and coal.

The bulk of the Yugoslav industry is concentrated north of a line Nish – Sarajevo.

If Yugoslavia is to take an active part in the war means must be found of maintaining supplies to the country.

- 2 -

4. DISPOSITIONS. (See map annexed)

(a) Army.

Of the 23 infantry divisions at present mobilised, 15 are concentrated south of a line between Nish and Sarajevo. The equivalent of 3 divisions are opposite the Austrian frontier and some 6 divisions opposite the Hungarian and Roumanian frontiers. Latest information suggests that these may move gradually southwards. The remainder of the Army (14 divisions) are on or south of a line Nish – Sarajevo, three divisions being in the Upper Vardar between Veles and the Greek frontier and one at Strumica to meet a German advance from Petrich to turn the Greek flank in Macedonia.

(b) Air Force.

The Air Force has moved to its war stations and the main force is located in Central and South-East Yugoslavia.

There are at least 12 first-class aerodromes south of Sarajevo from which it could continue to operate so long as its supplies and reserves lasted.

(c) Navy.

The Navy is based on the Gulf of Kotor (Cattaro) and Split (Spalato). Yugoslav naval policy is defensive and is controlled by the General Staff and the Navy’s role is to assist the Army and Air Force in the protection of the coast.

5. POSSIBLE ACTION BY YUGOSLAVIA.

The new Yugoslav Prime Minister has indicated that the policy of himself and the Army will be entirely pro-British and that his plan of campaign will be as follows:-

(a) Although war is considered inevitable, to make a declaration of strict neutrality in order to gain time. This has been done.

(b) To proceed as rapidly as possible with complete mobilisation of the Army and to concentrate it in the South;

(c) To operate in Albania at the earliest possible moment. In order that immediate operations in Albania shall not conflict with the avowed intention of strict neutrality, it is probable that it will at first take the form of activities by irregular bands.

- 3 -

We consider that an attack by Yugoslavia, in co-operation with the Greeks, against the Italians in Albania would bring about the latter’s collapse within two or three weeks.

A successful campaign in Albania would, by extension of her Adriatic seaboard, afford Yugoslavia the best means of improving her lines of supply which are at present dependent on one railway. At the same time large Greek forces and Royal Air Force units in Greece would be freed for employment elsewhere.

It remains to consider what steps Yugoslavia would take to meet possible German counter action.

(i) In the event of the Germans deferring their attack against Salonika and concentrating their forces against Yugoslavia, the Yugoslav army in the north will probably fall back by a series of delaying actions to positions on the Line Nish – Sarajevo and no offensive action would be taken by the Yugoslavs except in Albania. Yugoslav forces on the Bulgarian frontier should be adequate to resist a German and/or Bulgarian attack from this quarter.

(ii) In the event of the Germans making a simultaneous attack upon Salonika and Yugoslavia, advancing from the north and from Roumania and Bulgaria, the Yugoslavs would probably act as in (i) above. As, however, the German (and Bulgarian?) operations can only be carried out by limited forces, by reason of communications and terrain, the Yugoslav troops as at present disposed, should be able to hold such attacks. Their present dispositions should also enable them to stop German attempts to turn the Rupel Pass position through the Strumica Valley.

These simultaneous attacks on both Yugoslavia and Greece would impose a severe strain on the German Air Forces at present in the Balkan area, and would afford opportunity for the Yugoslav Air Force to interfere to some extent with the German lines of communication down the Struma Valley.


(iii) In the event of Germany confining her attacks to Salonika with the aim of cutting off Yugoslavia from her allies, we stress the importance of ensuring that the Yugoslavs co-operate with us to preserve intact the vital allied junction in South Eastern Yugoslavia or Macedonia, and thus thwart the German strategy. It seems certain that Yugoslavia would so co-operate and recent moves of Yugoslav divisions should facilitate this.

- 4 -

Finally – though this runs counter to the categorical assurance of the new Yugoslav Prime Minister – the possibility cannot entirely be excluded that Yugoslavia will take no action against the Italians in Albania and that Germany also will make no overt move against Greece or Yugoslavia for the time being, but will renew here efforts to disintegrate the latter by diplomatic pressure and Fifth Column methods. In that event Germany would meanwhile be building up her forces in the area.

(Signed) V. CAVENDISH BENTINCK
J.H. GODFREY.
F.H.N. DAVIDSON.
L.G.S. PAYNE (for A.C.A.S.(I)).
C.G. VICKERS.

Great George Street, S.W.1.,
28th MARCH, 1941.
- 5 -
Given the events of the actual campaign, the paragraphs I've highlighted in bold are hardly great examples of British military intelligence at work! With military advice like this, I can begin to sympathise with Churchill's otherwise unfathomable excitement over the Yugoslav coup!

Regards

Tom

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Re: British Plans and Yugoslavia - Feb 1941

#11

Post by MarkN » 16 Jun 2017, 15:35

Hello Tom,
Tom from Cornwall wrote:Still from CAB121/674:
4. DISPOSITIONS. (See map annexed)
Do you have the map(s) that go with this document? If not, let me know and I'll send them to you. I have two similar documents written at the same time but with far greater detail on the Yugoslav equipment holdings and reserves and without the analysis, commentary and advice.
Tom from Cornwall wrote:Given the events of the actual campaign, the paragraphs I've highlighted in bold are hardly great examples of British military intelligence at work! With military advice like this, I can begin to sympathise with Churchill's otherwise unfathomable excitement over the Yugoslav coup!
The analysis, commentary and advice is all that is wrong with the document. It is based either on wishful thinking as to what they hoped the Yugoslavs would do, or deliberate misinformation received. I have a document/telegram sent by the Air Attache to report of a meeting he'd just had with a representative of General Simovic dated 28 March - the day after the coup. Allegedly, the Air Attache was told the Yugoslavs has begun an advance into Albania that morning against the Italians!!!

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Re: British Plans and Yugoslavia - Feb 1941

#12

Post by jwsleser » 16 Jun 2017, 18:12

Tom

Thank for the additional documents and the effort to identify W.

Mark
To put that into context (and recalling lengthy discussions in the other thread on Greece regarding Papagos and Greek decision-making), Papagos (and the British military) recognised that Yugoslavia needed to concentrate its forces in the south if it were to offer any credible support to Greece. My bold.


Nothing in the cables state that the Yugoslavian action's were based on supporting Greece. They do point out that Yugoslavia's strategic position was poor and prolonged defense was only possible with Allied support which required gaining access to Adriatic ports (attacking Italian Albania) and maintaining access to Thessalonki. Mutual assistance for the latter was beneficial to both parties (Yugoslavs and Greeks). This COA reflects what was seen as the best way to defend Yugoslavia, not a plan aimed to support the Greeks at Yugoslavian expense.

If you didn't mean to imply that Yugoslavia's only reason for the concentration of forces in the south was to support Greece, okay, Just trying to clarify your statement.
In otherwords, the British knew all along that Yugoslavia was not going to deliver the defensive posture that Papagos was dreaming of. How well, if at all, British military negotiators put across this point to the Greeks is debatable. It doesn't really show up in the documents I have. Why this was not done is one of the many enigmas flowing from the Anglo-Greek discussions.
These cables actually support Papagos's thinking/actions and add more evidence that the failure to coordinate a feasible plan for Greek defense lay more with the British than the Greeks.

I don't disagree that the British possibly 'should have know better', but the cables demonstrate that the Yugoslavian military was seen as a "significant force' that could influence the approaching storm.
The analysis, commentary and advice is all that is wrong with the document. It is based either on wishful thinking as to what they hoped the Yugoslavs would do, or deliberate misinformation received. I have a document/telegram sent by the Air Attache to report of a meeting he'd just had with a representative of General Simovic dated 28 March - the day after the coup. Allegedly, the Air Attache was told the Yugoslavs has begun an advance into Albania that morning against the Italians!!!
I feel you are making a good case that the British failed to do 'due diligence' with their intelligence. I would be interested in reading your other sources that provide the British 'the other perspective' that should have challenged the assessments contained in these cables.

v/r Jeff
Jeff Leser

Infantrymen of the Air

MarkN
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Re: British Plans and Yugoslavia - Feb 1941

#13

Post by MarkN » 16 Jun 2017, 21:02

Tom,

I wrote above that the analysis and commentary was pretty poor either through being misled by the Yugoslavs or through their own wishful thinking. I forgot to mention - because it is standard practice in British staff work - that this was further compounded by their own inability to do basic arithmetic.

See here:
The Army is organised as under:

23 Infantry Divisions.
1 Guards Division.
3 Cavalry Division.

7 further Infantry Divisions will be mobilised but it will not be possible to equip them fully.
... and here:
4. DISPOSITIONS. (See map annexed)

(a) Army.

Of the 23 infantry divisions at present mobilised, 15 are concentrated south of a line between Nish and Sarajevo. The equivalent of 3 divisions are opposite the Austrian frontier and some 6 divisions opposite the Hungarian and Roumanian frontiers. Latest information suggests that these may move gradually southwards. The remainder of the Army (14 divisions) are on or south of a line Nish – Sarajevo, three divisions being in the Upper Vardar between Veles and the Greek frontier and one at Strumica to meet a German advance from Petrich to turn the Greek flank in Macedonia.
Spot the glaring error?

Deliberate attempt to mislead the reader or an unfortunate and accidental typo?

MarkN
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Re: British Plans and Yugoslavia - Feb 1941

#14

Post by MarkN » 17 Jun 2017, 21:45

Hi Tom,
Tom from Cornwall wrote: Thanks, that's really useful. Colonel Clarke seems to have it nailed on...wonder what happened to him?
Stumbled across this whilst building a list of TNA files I want to have a peek at....

Reference: WO 208/2004
Description: Final report by Lieutenant-Colonel G S Clarke on relinquishing the appointment of Military Attache, Belgrade
Date: 1941 Apr. - July

Tom from Cornwall
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Re: British Plans and Yugoslavia - Feb 1941

#15

Post by Tom from Cornwall » 18 Jun 2017, 17:32

Mark,

Aha, that looks interesting...so many files, so little time.

Regards

Tom

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