German documents on the Jews of Hungary

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David Thompson
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Post by David Thompson » 02 Nov 2004 06:47

Topspeed -- You asked:
Is the USA printing office a war propaganda buro or does it have some factual grounds for these alleged intercepted telegrams ?
The US Government Printing Office was and is not a propaganda bureau. It is a US government office which prints all official publications of other branches and agencies of the government of the United States, from economic statistics to reports of the Bureau of Ethnology. Finland may have a similar office which prints Finnish government publications and state documents.

The documents were not "intercepted," they were captured. The Nazi documents translated and reproduced in the IMT and NMT volumes were seized towards or just after the end of WWII. There are no allegations that the documents were "intercepted."
As the American Armies had swept into Germany, military investigating teams had filled document centers with an increasing wealth of materials which were freely made available by the Army to OCC field investigators. Special assistance was given by the Document Section, 2 Division, SHAEF, and by the Document Sections of the Army Groups and Armies operating in the European Theater. OCC investigators also made valuable discoveries while prospecting on their own. They soon found themselves embarrassed with riches. Perhaps foremost among the prize acquisitions was the neatly crated collection of all the personal and official correspondence of Alfred Rosenberg, together with a great quantity of Nazi Party correspondence. This cache was discovered behind a false wall in an old castle in Eastern Bavaria, where it had been sent for safekeeping. Another outstanding collection consisted of thirty-nine leather-bound volumes containing detailed inventories of the art treasures of Europe which had been looted by the Ensatzstab Rosenberg. These catalogues, together with much of the priceless plunder itself, were found hidden deep in an Austrian salt mine. An innocent-appearing castle near Marburg was found to contain some 485 tons of crated papers, which inspection revealed to be the records of the German Foreign Office from 1837 to 1944. Among other outstanding bulk acquisitions were more than 300 crates of German High Command files, 85 notebooks containing minutes of Hitler's conferences, and the complete files of the German Navy.


You can read more about where the records came from -- their provenance -- at the source of the above quote:

http://forum.axishistory.com/viewtopic.php?t=63082

These are just part of a vast horde of documents captured by the US Army in western Europe. In the reference section of the forum, I posted a finding guide to captured German records in the US National Archives, and if you look at it, you can get an idea of how many there were. You can see the finding guide at:

http://forum.axishistory.com/viewtopic. ... 306#564306

In the ABR section of the forum, these microfilm records are used to prepare much of the material you see on SS officers, for example. The records of German Army units were captured as well, and are frequently used by researchers. They are an invaluable primary source for information.

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waffen
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Post by waffen » 02 Nov 2004 09:31

:D hi david are the minutes of hitlers meeting available,and also the for-mentioned high command files would be interesting to try to maybe establish bormans influence on the last year of the war. german naval documents would be a good read for the submarines still in action and what naval vessels were never commisioned or completed for service. also how long have these been available to the public? also what do you know of is still classified and in what relation to german war efforts. your posts deserve more members attention im sure. 8) thankyou . "waffen".

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Post by David Thompson » 02 Nov 2004 09:53

Waffen -- Thanks for the compliment.

Apparently all of the surviving military Fuehrer conferences have been collected and published in a book, according to a post from genstab:

http://forum.axishistory.com/viewtopic. ... 218#547218

The documents mentioned in the US NARA finder's guide [at http://forum.axishistory.com/viewtopic. ... 306#564306 ] have been available to the public since at least the middle or late 1950s. The US Congress ordered any remaining records relating to Nazi war crimes and criminals, which had not been open to the public, declassified in 1998.

http://forum.axishistory.com/viewtopic. ... 607#552607

I'm not sure what, if anything, remains classified today.

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Post by David Thompson » 06 Dec 2004 14:21

Here is the deposition of SS-Standartenfuehrer Kurt Becher, taken during the Eichmann trial in 1961. Becher acted as an intermediary between Himmler and the Jewish Rescue Committee, in an effort to stop the killings of the Jews of Hungary. The document, taken from the transcript of the trial on the former http://www.nizkor.org website, is posted here in two parts.

Part 1:
Eichmann trial: Testimony taken abroad
The Testimony of Kurt Becher

23 May 1961

The Competent Court of Justice, Bremen

Re: Request for Legal Assistance

The main hearing in the criminal proceedings against the Accused Adolf Eichmann is at present taking place in this Court.

In the context of this main hearing, I request you to extend legal assistance to this Court by the examination on oath of the following witness:

Kurt Becher, Bremen 1, Slevogt Strasse 56

The witness is to be examined as to the following allegations of the Accused:

(1) that the orders for the foot march (Fussmarsch) in November 1944 of part of the Jewish population of Budapest (more than 25,000 persons) were not given by the Accused;

(2) that in November 1944 the Reich Plenipotentiary in Hungary, Ambassador Veesenmayer, induced the Hungarian Government to move thirty to fifty thousand Jews to the Austrian border, to be used for labour, and that the foot march of this population which was to be used as labour was the result of an order by the Hungarian authorities;

(3) that the foot march referred to was guarded by Hungarian Honved soldiers;

(4) that, as Reich Plenipotentiary in Hungary, Ambassador Veesenmayer had unlimited powers for the implementation of all measures by German military, Party and civilian authorities;

(5) that in implementing measures, all units of the Security Police and the Security Service in Hungary were, for tactical purposes, under the orders of the Higher SS and Police Leader Winkelmann, to whom the Chief of the Security Police and the Security Service, Geschke, was also answerable;

(6) that the office of the Accused Eichmann in Budapest was not able to issue instructions or orders to either Ambassador Veesenmayer or to the Chief of the Security Police and the Security Service, Geschke, nor did it issue any such orders, and that these office-holders received their instructions and orders directly from the German Foreign Ministry or from the Reichsführer-SS;

(7) that the Accused Eichmann was the first person to propose through the official channels to his superior, Obergruppenführer Müller, that the deportation of Hungarian Jews be halted until negotiations were concluded on the supply of military equipment in return [for freeing Hungarian Jews];

(8) that, in order to implement the projected plan, the Accused made arrangements for sending a Jewish negotiator to Constantinople, and that he proposed Joel Brand for this role;

(9) that the Accused did not obstruct implementation of the operations referred to, but tried to facilitate things by proposing to his superior a lesser consideration than that demanded by Reichsführer-SS Himmler;

(10) that later the Accused did not do anything to thwart implementation of the plan;

(11) that also in other instances the Accused did not adopt any measures designed to obstruct transfer abroad of the Jews;

(12) that the Accused did not refuse to implement orders to halt deportations.

To complete the deposition of the witness, I would request that the witness also be asked the following questions which were drawn up by Counsel for the Accused:


(1) What rank did you hold in the SS at the beginning and at the end of the War?

(2) Were you in a fighting unit? If so, which one?

(3) Did you take part in actual fighting? If so, when, where and in what capacity?

(4) Were you wounded?

(5) Did you receive the Kriegsverdienstkreuz (Distinguished War Service Cross)?

(6) Is the Kriegsverdienstkreuz an important decoration?

(7) Is this decoration a more important one than that which you received?

(8) After the fall of Stalingrad and the retreat of the German army from the Dnieper in January 1944, were you of the opinion that Germany had lost the war?

(9) What special assignment in Hungary were you given by Reichsführer-SS Himmler?

(10) Were you convinced that the implementation of your assignment was of considerable importance?

(11) Did you carry out your assignment?

(12) Did you endeavour to have the management of the Weiss-Manfred Works in Hungary transferred to yourself? Did you intend that the management of the concern should remain in your hands also after the War?

(13) Did you confiscate factories and other enterprises?

(14) Did your measures - particularly your efforts to be put in charge of the Weiss-Manfred Works - serve to carry out the assignment given to you? How did this serve the war aim?

(15) Are you familiar with what is known as the Brand Operation, under which, subject to certain conditions, one million Jews were to be sent abroad? Did the Accused Adolf Eichmann suggest this plan and submit it to his superior, Gruppenführer Müller, through official channels? Did the Accused travel several times to Berlin for this purpose?

(16) When and how did you become involved in this operation, and at whose initiative?

(17) When and under what circumstances did you meet Mr. Joel Brand? When did you first talk to him?

(18) Were the Accused's proposals for implementing the operations more favourable than those of Reichsführer- SS Himmler, with whom you talked?

(19) Did Eichmann subsequently prevent implementation of the Brand Operation? If so, by what means?

(20) Did Eichmann attempt to obstruct other measures concerning the departure of Jews? If so, by what means?

(21) After the War, did you act as interpreter during the interrogation of fellow detainees in internment or prison camps or prisons?

(22) Did you thus have the opportunity to hear the testimony of other prisoners?

(23) During the time you were imprisoned, did you speak about the persecution of the Jews and the responsibility for such persecution with your fellow detainees Veesenmayer, Winkelmann, Geschke, Juettner and others?

(24) Did you meet the above-mentioned persons also after the end of your imprisonment, or did you make any other contact with them, and did you talk to them about the subject of the Jews? When did this occur last?

(25) During your imprisonment, did you talk to Dr. Kasztner about Jewish matters? If so, when was this and who initiated such discussions? Did Dr. Kasztner make efforts towards this end?

(26) After you were released from prison, did Dr. Kasztner come to see you? If so, how often did you meet and for how long?

(27) What was the purpose of these visits?

(28) After you were released from prison, did Mr. Joel Brand come to see you, and did he talk with you about Jewish matters? If so, when, how often, and how long did his visits last? What was the purpose of the visits?

(29) When were you last in touch with Mr. Brand?

To complete the testimony of the witness, I would also request that the witness be asked the following questions which were drawn up by the Attorney General:

(1) Did you have general conversations with the Accused about the Solution of the Jewish Question in Hungary, and what was the Accused's attitude?

(2) Do the statements and evidence which you gave in 1944,* {* sic. Should probably be 1946} 1947 and 1948 in the witnesses' prison in Nuremberg, on oath and not on oath, conform to the truth?

(3) With whom did the proposal originate that Jews be exchanged for goods?

(4) How did you meet Dr. Rudolf Kasztner?

(5) When did you suggest to Himmler that a stop be put to the deportation of Jews?

(6) What was the result of your efforts to intervene with Himmler?

(7) How did Eichmann sabotage your activities?

(8) Who supported Eichmann in this affair?

(9) Did you inform Eichmann of Himmler's orders, and what was his reaction?

(10) What do you know of the "foot march" of the Jews of Budapest to the Austrian border?

(11) Who was responsible for the foot march?

(12) What impression did this foot march make on General Juettner?

(13) How did Eichmann react to your intervention in order to put an end to the foot march?

(14) Why did you complain to Himmler about Eichmann?

(15) Describe in detail the joint discussion between Himmler, Eichmann and yourself.

(16) How do you explain the fact that by awarding Eichmann a decoration Himmler tried to mollify him, although Eichmann had not followed his orders?

(17) What was the relationship between Himmler and Kaltenbrunner?

(18) Where did Eichmann live in Budapest?

(19) Were you acquainted with Slawik, Eichmann's caretaker, and can you say what sort of a person he was?

(20) Did you know the name of Eichmann's driver in Budapest?

(21) Did you know SS Obersturmbannführer Dr. Wilhelm Hoettl?

(22) Did you know of any connections between the Accused and Dr. Hoettl, and what type of connections were they?

(23) Did you serve in Hungary as plenipotentiary of the SS Leadership Head Office?

(24) Were you engaged in the purchase of war and other equipment for the SS?

(25) How were Jewish assets in Hungary taken into safekeeping for the SS and transferred to Germany?

(26) Did you yourself take part in carrying out such safekeeping operations?

(27) What German personnel were available to you for carrying out your special assignment for the SS Leadership Head Office?

(28) Which were the German authorities other than the SS to which Jewish goods and assets from Hungary were transferred?

(29) What do you know about monies paid by Jews to the SS in order to be allowed to leave Hungary?

I request you to summon to the examination of the witness the representative of the Attorney General of the State of Israel, c/o H.E. Ambassador, Dr. F.E. Shinnar, Israel Mission, Cologne, as well as Counsel for the Accused, Dr. R. Servatius, Hohenzollernring 14, Cologne, and to afford them, on their part, the opportunity to ask the witness questions which might arise from his answers.

There is no objection on the part of this Court to the aforementioned representatives of the parties obtaining copies of the record of the examination. Please forward the original of the record of the examination to this Court.

(-) Moshe Landau
President of the Trial Court

******************************************************************************
The Court of First Instance, Bremen, 20 June 1961, Department for Criminal Cases

File Number 19 AR 1851/61

Present:
Gerichtsassessor Elias (Assistant Judge) as Judge, Justizangestellte (Clerk of the Court) Schriefer as Clerk of the Court

In the criminal proceedings against Adolf Eichmann on a charge of murder, there appeared:

The witness whose name appears below, as well as Mr. Erwin S. Shimron representing the Attorney General of Jerusalem, and also Advocate Dieter Wechtenbruch representing the Defence.

The witness was instructed to tell the truth, and was informed that he would have to swear to his testimony in the absence of any exception laid down or permitted in the law. He was instructed as to the significance of the oath and the penalties for giving false or incomplete evidence. The witness was then examined as follows:

Personal Details: My name is Kurt Andreas Ernst Becher, I am 51 years old, a businessman by profession, and live in Bremen, Schwachhauser Heerstrasse 189.

I am not related and not connected by marriage to the Accused.

On the matter in question:

In order to make my answers clearer, I should first of all like to sketch my personal history.

After concluding my business apprenticeship in 1928 in a Jewish firm of good repute dealing in the import of cereals and foodstuffs, Herm. Simonis of Hamburg, I worked for a year each in two firms in the same field as a commercial clerk, and then, from 1930 until the outbreak of the War, I worked first as a clerk and then as a managing clerk in the firm of Friedrich Heins of Hamburg, cereals and foodstuffs brokers. Through my employer at the time, Mr. Heins, I became interested in the sport of riding, and from 1932 to this day I have been an active horseman.

In 1934 the horsemen of Hamburg with their own horses joined forces to create an SS Reitersturm (mounted unit). After this SS Reitersturm was set up, my riding instructor persuaded me to join it. In 1937 the Reitersturm was received into the Party. At the outbreak of War, I had the rank of SS Unterscharführer in the Mounted SS (Reiter-SS).

On the outbreak of war at the beginning of September 1939, as a member of the Mounted SS I was drafted into a unit reinforcing the police. I was then transferred to the Waffen--SS. I served as SS Infantryman in the Polish campaign. However, my unit saw no further action. It spent only a week or so in occupied Polish territory and was then withdrawn to the Reich territory. In the spring of 1940 I was detached to the First SS Reiterstandarte (Cavalry Regiment), with its base in Warsaw, and after a month or so I was sent from there to Bad Toelz Junkerschule (Cadet School) to attend an Officers' Wartime Course.

After completing the officers' course and being promoted to Oberscharführer-Führeranwaerter (Sergeant-Cadet Officer) at the end of November or December 1940, I was transferred back to my old regiment, now called the First SS Reiterregiment. The regiment was a purely military unit. I became platoon leader in the first squadron, and because of my training at the officers' school I was appointed as officer instructor. Around May-June 1941, the regiment was transferred to East Prussia, and on the outbreak of war with Russia, it invaded Russia. During the advance I was transferred to the First Cavalry Brigade as orderly officer. As orderly officer, my duties were basically to maintain contact with the superior commander in the Wehrmacht. My brigade took part in the advance through Minsk, Bobruisk, Smolensk, into the area of Vitebsk, Rzhev and Toropetz, where in the autumn of 1941 the brigade got caught up in heavy fighting. For my part in these battles I received the Iron Cross, Second Class, and the Iron Cross, First Class.

In December 1941, owing to illness, I was hospitalized in the Berlin-Lichterfelde Military Hospital. After my recovery, at the end of February, beginning of March 1942, I was attached to the SS Leadership Head Office, Cavalry and Transport Bureau (I.N. 3) as a Hauptsturmführer. The duties of the Cavalry and Transport Bureau were to equip horse-drawn and mounted units, to take care of studs, training units, riding and driving schools, and to run weapons training courses for these units. The headquarters of the bureau were in Berlin. From December 1941 until December 1942, therefore, I was in Berlin. On 30 January 1942 I was awarded the Kriegsverdienstkreuz zweiter Klasse (Distinguished Service Cross, Second Class) with swords.

In the winter of 1942, the fighting on the eastern front, particularly in the area of the Don, took a dangerous turn, and in order to provide support in the region, where Hungarian, Italian and Romanian units were in action, German fighting units were formed anew and sent into action as "corset stays." In December 1942 I was attached to the Fegelein task force. This task force was a military formation hastily assembled from any and every unit of the army and the Waffen-SS. I led various units in extremely hard fighting against the Russian penetration of our lines. For my role I was awarded not only the Infantry Assault Decoration and the Close Combat Bar in Bronze, but also the German Cross in Gold. The fighting, during which the task force was utterly destroyed, lasted until March 1943. From December 1942 to March 1943 I was stationed without a break on the Don front.

After the remnant of this task force was disbanded, I was ordered back to the SS Leadership Head Office, where I returned to my old job. Around October 1943, I was ordered to join the Eighth SS Cavalry Division which then fought a holding operation on the Dnieper, near Krivoi Rog, and then returned two months later to Berlin and the SS Leadership Head Office. As a member of staff of the Cavalry and Transport Office, I was seconded in March 1944 (at the time I held the rank of SS Obersturmbannführer) to Budapest to head the staff of the SS Leadership Head Office, with the task of procuring, together with the Wehrmacht and the Hungarian Ministry of War (Honved Ministry), horses and equipment for Wehrmacht and Waffen-SS horse-drawn and mounted units, both new and reinforced.

At the beginning of January 1943 I was promoted to SS Standartenführer.

Finally, I should like to note that in April 1945, when I was travelling from Mauthausen to Flossenbürg, I came into contact with American troops. I was wounded in the encounter. On 26 April 1945 I was awarded the Black Wounded Badge. In May 1945 I was taken prisoner of war by the Americans. I was released at the end of 1947. I began my business activities in Bremen in the autumn of 1948.

(1): What do you know about the foot march which took place in November 1944 of part of the Jewish population of Budapest?

Answer: From my own knowledge I am unable to say who gave the orders for the foot marches of part of the Jewish population of Budapest to the Austrian border in the autumn of 1944. I also do not know anything about the negotiations between the Hungarian Government and Ambassador Veesenmayer on this qüstion. On my journeys between Vienna and Budapest, I saw these foot marches myself. They were accompanied by men in Hungarian uniforms. I am unable to say whether these were Hungarian policemen, or Hungarian Honved soldiers, or both. I have referred to "foot marches," because the foot march of the Jewish population of Budapest spread over several weeks. According to my observations, it began in the last days of October and lasted until 20 or 25 November 1944. In fact I do not know of the date when the foot march started from my own observations, since I was not in Budapest at the time; but I heard about it.

(2): What were the powers of Ambassador Veesenmayer as Reich Plenipotentiary in Hungary?

Answer: I am unable to say anything as to what powers Ambassador Veesenmayer had as Reich Plenipotentiary in Hungary. It was my impression that Veesenmayer was the official interlocutor between Germany and the Hungarian Government, and that all major questions were discussed at the top level between Veesenmayer and the Hungarian government. However, in practical terms the departments of the Hungarian Government must have implemented things directly together with the appropriate German offices. For example, on my assignment to "procure horses for units and obtain equipment," as far as I remember I had dealings first with General Winkelmann, and then, at his suggestion, with Veesenmayer. As far as I remember, Veesenmayer established contacts between me and the Ministry of Agriculture and the Honved Ministry through the military attache, General Greiffenberg. I then negotiated directly with these ministries.

(3): In implementing measures, were all the units of the Security Police and the Security Service in Hungary, including the Chief, Geschke, for tactical purposes under the orders of the Higher SS and Police Leader Winkelmann?

Answer: I cannot give a reply to the qüstion as to whether and how all the offices of the Security Police and the Security Service in Hungary were under the orders of the Higher SS and Police Leader. I can only say that when I was assigned to Hungary, I was in technical and disciplinary terms subject to the SS Leadership Head Office, Command Office of the Waffen-SS. It was only in terms of supervision that I was subject to the Higher SS and Police Leader in Hungary, General Winkelmann.

(4): Was the office of the Accused Eichmann in Budapest able to issue instructions or orders to Veesenmayer, Winkelmann and Geschke, and were such instructions or orders issued?

Answer: I am not familiar with the complicated organizational aspects and structure of authority in detail. However, I cannot imagine that Eichmann's office was able to issue instructions or orders to Ambassador Veesenmayer, or to the Higher SS and Police Leader Winkelmann, or to the Chief of the Security Police and the Security Service. As to whether Eichmann nevertheless issued instructions and orders, I cannot say anything.

(5): Did the offices of Eichmann, Veesenmayer, Winkelmann and Geschke receive their instructions directly from the German Foreign Ministry or from the Reichsführer-SS?

Answer: As I still remember the organizational scheme today, Veesenmayer received his instructions from the German Foreign Ministry, and Winkelmann received his orders from the personal staff of the Reichsführer-SS. Geschke and Eichmann must have received their orders from the Head Office for Reich Security.

(6): Was the Accused Eichmann the first person to propose through the official channels - more precisely, to Obergruppenführer [sic!] Müller - that the deportation of Hungarian Jews be halted until negotiations were concluded on the supply of war material in return?

Answer: I had no way at all of knowing about the dealings between Eichmann and Gruppenführer Müller.

(7): In order to bring about the projected plan, did Eichmann make arrangements for sending a Jewish negotiator to Constantinople, and did he propose Joel Brand for this role?

Answer: I am unable to say whether it was Eichmann who planned to send a Jewish negotiator to Constantinople, or whether he decided that this should be Joel Brand. When - at the very insistent urging of Jewish circles, particularly Dr. Wilhelm Billitz - I decided to make representations to Himmler in order to help the Jews, I took advantage of the "ten thousand trucks in return for freeing Jews" project to ask for an appointment with Himmler. Today, I am unable to say whether - and if so, to what extent - I discussed with Himmler the details of sending a negotiator. Himmler ordered Eichmann, through Winkelmann, to keep me informed of the negotiations. That is why I was present when Eichmann dispatched Brand to Constantinople.

That was the first time I met Brand, and as far as I remember, I had no further meetings with him in Hungary.

(8): Did the Accused try not to obstruct the implementation of the operations referred to, but rather to facilitate things, by proposing to his superior a lesser consideration in return than that demanded by Himmler?

Answer: I do not know anything about Eichmann proposing to his superior a lesser consideration than that demanded by Reichsführer Himmler. Nor do I remember whether immediately on the arrival of the agreement ten per cent of the Jews were already to be released for emigration, in accordance with a promise given by Eichmann to Brand.

(9): Is the Kriegsverdienstkreuz (Distinguished War Service Cross) an important decoration?

Answer: Basically it is the class which determines the importance of the decoration. I received the Distinguished War Service Cross, Second Class, i.e., the lowest level. My other decorations were far more important to me, as they were decorations for bravery.

(10): After the fall of Stalingrad and the retreat of the German army from the Dnieper in January 1944, did you believe that Germany had lost the war?

Answer: Today I am unable to say whether after the fall of Stalingrad and the retreat of the German army from the Dnieper in January 1944 I believed that Germany had lost the war. With the best will in the world I am unable to say today when it was that I realized the war was being lost. In any case I did not realize this suddenly: at times I used to think pessimistically, sometimes optimistically.

(11): What special assignment were you given by Reichsführer-SS Himmler?

Answer: As can be seen in my introductory remarks, in March 1944 I was assigned to Hungary, not by Himmler, but by the SS Leadership Head Office, Command Office of the Waffen-SS. At that time I had only been instructed by the SS Leadership Head Office to procure horses for the army and equipment for mounted and horse-drawn units. I had no further assignments. More particularly, I had no assignment related in any way whatsoever to the treatment of Jews.

(12): Were you convinced that the carrying out of your assignment was of considerable importance?

Answer: Yes, my assignment from the SS Leadership Head Office was of direct service to the military conduct of the War.

(13): Did you carry out your assignment?

Answer: Yes; as far as I remember, in conjunction with the Wehrmacht and the competent Hungarian authorities, some twenty thousand horses were drafted and distributed to those who needed them: Wehrmacht units, Waffen-SS units, and possibly police units as well. However, my efforts to obtain equipment were successful only to a minor extent; I do not remember any details of this.

(14): Did you endeavour to have the management of the Weiss- Manfred Works in Hungary transferred to yourself?

Answer: I did not endeavour to obtain my appointment to manage the Weiss-Manfred Works. As I remember it today, I never wished to remain in the management of the concern after the War either. When in March 1944 I came to Hungary with my staff, the Wehrmacht Commander's Office allocated me three detached houses for my staff. I found out that these belonged to the Manfred Weiss family, whereupon I asked that a representative of the Manfred Weiss family visit me, in order to draw up an inventory in due form. A Dr. Billitz reported to me about my assignment to procure equipment. Dr. Billitz thought I should contact the person of influence in the Weiss-Manfred Works, Dr. Ferenc Choren. He said that he was the only person who could help me with my assignment. At that time Dr. Choren was under arrest. However, I nevertheless managed to establish contact with him. At the outset Dr. Choren thought that, in order to buy up the equipment, a Hungarian firm should be set up, but later he said that this approach would probably also not be successful for obtaining the items of equipment. During the amicable talks I had at the time with Dr. Choren, he suggested one day that perhaps Germany might take over the Weiss-Manfred Works, or rather the shares which were formally in non-Jewish hands, and in return allow the members of the Manfred Weiss family to leave the country. On my proposal, Himmler authorized conclusion of an agreement and gave orders for Obersturmbannführer Bobermin and myself to be appointed to the board of management of the concern.

(15): Was Dr. Choren released from custody at your initiative?

Answer: As far as I remember, Dr. Choren returned to Hungary, at my suggestion and with Himmler's agreement, from the internment camp to the house of the Manfred Weiss family. Dr. Choren remained there until he emigrated with the family. At first I received an authorization from Winkelmann to communicate with him. I do not remember definitely whether Dr. Choren's return to Budapest was obtained by Winkelmann approaching Himmler, or directly through my approach to Himmler. Dr. Choren remained in Budapest until he emigrated together with the Weiss family, as we have already said.

(16): Did you confiscate factories and other enterprises?

Answer: I cannot remember having confiscated factories or other enterprises. I consider it to be out of the question. I also consider it impossible that my staff would have carried out such confiscations.

(17): Did your measures - particularly your efforts to be put in charge of the Weiss-Manfred Works - serve to carry out the assignment given to you?

Answer: Maintaining the Weiss-Manfred Works was important to the war effort. It also served to carry out my assignment, because there was a possibility of using the concern's connections in order to procure equipment. The industrial plants which belonged to the Weiss-Manfred Works produced aircraft, lorries, motor bikes - everything down to pins, including foodstuffs and preserves. It also seemed important to employ some thirty thousand workers close to the fighting troops.

When I was negotiating with Dr. Chorin, the Jewish shares of the Weiss-Manfred Works had been seized by the Hungarian Government. That was what Dr. Chorin explained to me. The non-Jewish shares of the concern were held by members of the Weiss family. As far as I remember, they amounted to 51 per cent of the total shares. As far as I remember, Dr. Chorin maintained that these shares, which were in non- Jewish hands, might also be seized by the Hungarian Government through an order of the government to that effect. As far as I remember, the main clauses of the agreement between Mr. Chorin and Himmler were, firstly, the transfer of the management in trust of the non-Jewish shares of the Weiss_Manfred Works to the German Reich for a duration of twenty_five years, and secondly, the approval of the departure of a group of members of the family, plus certain persons who were not part of the family, as well as the provision by the German Reich to the Weiss family of a sum which I no longer remember. As far as I remember, Dr. Chorin asked that Horthy be informed of this contract only after the family group had left Hungary. I cannot remember whether there were similar requirements on the part of the Germans. I do know that the entire transaction was initiated by Dr. Chorin. As far as I remember, the contracts were signed in the middle of May, and the family left Hungary on the same day. Immediately after their departure, as far as I remember, Veesenmayer was notified by Winkelmann. Today I no longer remember whether I met Brand before or after the finalization of the trust agreement; it must have been around this time.
Last edited by David Thompson on 06 Dec 2004 14:26, edited 2 times in total.

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Post by David Thompson » 06 Dec 2004 14:23

Part 2:
(18): Are you familiar with what is known as the Brand Operation, under which, subject to certain conditions, one million Jews were to leave the country?

Answer: I am familiar with the Brand Operation of trucks in return for the release of people. I do not know whether the Accused suggested this "Brand Operation" and submitted it to his superior. I also do not know whether the Accused travelled several times to Berlin in this connection.

(19): How and when did you become involved in this operation, and at whose initiative?

Answer: Not very long after I received Himmler's basic agreement to conclude the trust agreement on the Weiss_Manfred Works, Dr. Billitz approached me and asked me to intervene with Himmler, in order to save Jewish people. As far as I remember, that was at the beginning of May 1944.

(20): When and under what circumstances did you meet Mr. Joel Brand? When did you first talk to him?

Answer: I have already referred to this question in my reply to the eighth question of this record.

(21): Were the Accused's proposals for implementing the operation more favourable than those of Reichsfuhrer-SS Himmler with whom you talked?

Answer: I was not familiar with all of the Accused's proposals in detail. When under urging from Dr. Billitz I applied for an appointment to see Himmler, which I managed to obtain through the good offices of Winkelmann, I knew from Dr. Billitz that a proposal was being discussed about trucks in return for releasing Jewish people. Himmler did not say whether he was aware of this proposal and who had made it. However, as far as I remember, Himmler's words were: "Get out of the Jews everything that can be got out of them. Promise them what they are asking for. As to what we will keep, we'll just have to see!" I objected and made a point of saying that the arrangements made with the Jews must be observed, come what may. I remember that, as far as the unit of account was concerned, Himmler finally laid down an amount of one thousand dollars per person. I remember various sums being discussed at the time, and I should imagine that Dr. Kasztner may well have known more about the details than I did.

(22): After the War, did you act as interpreter during the interrogation of fellow detainees in internment or prison camps or prisons?

Answer: No.

(23): During the time you were imprisoned, did you speak about persecution of the Jews and the responsibility for such persecution with your fellow detainees, Veesenmayer, Winkelmann, Geschke, Juettner and others?

Answer: As far as I remember, during the years in which I was interned I spoke with many people also about this problem, including General Winkelmann when we were both imprisoned in Budapest (1945-1946), and later General Juettner in the witnesses' wing of the Palace of Justice in Nuremberg. I do not remember any conversations with Veesenmayer, with whom I was also imprisoned in Budapest, and later in Nuremberg. As far as I remember I did not come across Geschke in prison.

(24): Did you also meet the above-mentioned persons after the end of your imprisonment, or did you make any other contact with them, and did you talk to them about the subject of the Jews? When did this occur last?

Answer: As far as I remember, after I was released from internment in Nuremberg, in December 1947, I did not have any conversations with any of the gentlemen referred to - Winkelmann, Juettner, Veesenmayer, or Geschke. I corresponded with Winkelmann and Juettner with regard to matters other than the Jewish problems. My correspondence with Winkelmann ceased in 1948, and that with Juettner in 1952.

(25): During your imprisonment, did you talk to Dr. Kasztner about Jewish matters? If so, when was this and who initiated such discussions? Did Dr. Kasztner exert himself towards this end?

Answer: Dr. Kasztner told me that he was in Nuremberg in order to give evidence as a witness in the Wilhelmstrasse trial, and on this occasion I had a meeting with him - as far as I remember this was in August 1947. If I am not mistaken, I had another talk with Dr. Kasztner around April 1948, when I was still in what was known as the open witnesses' wing in Nuremberg. During this meeting we naturally talked about our joint rescue efforts. I was taken from the prison for an interrogation and met Dr. Kasztner at that time. Of course, I endeavoured to get in touch with Dr. Kasztner again.

(26): After you were released from prison, did Dr. Kasztner come to see you? If so, how often did you meet and for how long?

Answer: I neither saw nor spoke to Dr. Kasztner again afterwards. As to whether I corresponded later by letter with Dr. Kasztner, as far as I remember I did exchange a few letters sporadically with Dr. Kasztner.

(27): After you were released from prison, did Mr. Joel Brand come to see you, and did he talk with you about Jewish matters?

Answer: Mr. Joel Brand wrote to me on 16 May 1955 and asked to come and see me. As far as I remember, he came to Bremen in June 1955, together with the writer Weissberg_Cybulski. These two gentlemen explained that he wanted to write a book about the rescue work of the Vaada [Jewish Rescue Committee] and the close co-operation with me. They said that this book would become a best-seller and was to appear in all the languages of the world. However, it would only be possible to write this book if I would be prepared to take part in the book, in the interest of historical truth. After all, Mr. Brand could not say anything of his own knowledge about what had happened in Hungary after he left for Constantinople in the middle of May 1944. That meant that in that regard he would have to rely on the stories of others. It was true that he had the Vaada's report by Dr. Rudolf Kasztner. However, it was vital that I present the co-operation of the Jewish Rescue Committee with the German side.

He was particularly interested in the historical truth being described about the success I had had as a result of my negotiations with Himmler. I did talk to the two of them about some of the events of that period, but I indicated that I was not inclined to co-operate with them on this book. During the conversation, Mr. Brand asked me to give him an affidavit in which I would confirm that wooden barracks which were acquired with means provided by him would be made available to the German authorities. He needed such a statement in order to submit claims for reparations. I did not know anything about the matter. I therefore refused to give the affidavit he asked for. My impression was that Mr. Brand was very disappointed at this. At that time Mr. Brand spent several days in Bremen. He kept trying to convince me to take part in his book. In a joint letter, dated 22 July 1955, Messrs. Brand and Weissberg-Cybulski once again asked me to work on the book with them. I did not reply to this letter, and since then I have had no contacts with Mr. Brand.

(28): After the War were you in touch with Mr. Andreas Biss?

Answer: Yes. I do not remember when Mr. Biss first wrote to me. I did speak to Mr. Biss - he was Dr. Kasztner's representative on the Budapest Rescue Committee - about our joint work. I think that my last personal meeting with Mr. Biss was at the end of 1960, or the beginning of 1961.

(29): Did you have general conversations with the Accused about the Solution of the Jewish Question in Hungary, and what was the Accused's attitude?

Answer: I was careful not to have general discussions with Eichmann about the Jewish Question. From many things he said and the measures he applied, I knew what the Accused's attitude was. Eichmann was an ardent Nazi and a fanatical anti-Semite.

The representative of the Attorney General in Jerusalem has read out to me the Accused's allegations as contained in Prosecution documents Nos. 3290 to 3305, tape 69, volume VI of the Accused's statement to the police. Insofar as I am cited in these statements and my activities are described, I wish to state that they in no way correspond to the truth. I did not have any influence on the carrying out of deportations; it has been proved that I brought my influence to bear against deportations in many instances, and in some cases I was also successful in doing so. My assignment from the SS Leadership Head Office and the Manfred Weiss- Manfred operation I carried out were totally unconnected with Eichmann. As I have already stated, it was around the first half of May that, on the urging of the Jewish leadership, I tried to acquire influence with Himmler in favour of the Jews. My above statements are supported inter alia by the declaration made by Dr. Rudolf Kasztner.

I have been shown Dr. Kasztner's sworn evidence of 13 September 1945 before the International Military Tribunal (IMG Volume XXXI, No. 47, in the Israel Prosecution documents), insofar as the evidence refers to me. If differences as to motives are seen in Dr. Kasztner's testimony, I am unable to provide any explanation of that.

(30): Do the statements and evidence which you gave in 1944,* {* Should probably be 1946} 1947 and 1948 in the witnesses' prison in Nuremberg, on oath and not on oath, conform to the truth?

Answer: I no longer remember in detail the statements and evidence which I gave in the witnesses' prison in Nuremberg. However, in accordance with my inner attitude, all the statements and evidence I gave, whether on oath or not, were made to the best of my knowledge and belief. If I am today to swear that all such statements and evidence conform to the truth, I would have to be shown the documents, so that I can check them all in detail.

(31): When did you learn what happened to the deportees?

Answer: Jewish sources, particularly Dr. Kasztner, first hinted, and from the end of August 1944, I think, told me that of the Jews deported from Hungary only some were being used for labour, while the others were annihilated. At that, as far as I remember, I turned to Eichmann, too, and he insisted that these were lies. All the Jews, he said, were being used for labour. It was only when I read the content of the order which I managed to get Himmler to issue in the autumn of 1944 - today I am not entirely sure whether it was October or November - "With immediate effect, I prohibit any annihilation of Jews, and on the contrary, I order that weak and sick persons be looked after" - that I received for the first time confirmation from the German side that Dr. Kasztner's information was correct.

(32): What information did you provide to General Juettner about the "foot march," and how did he react to it?

Answer: General Juettner was furious about the foot march. Before he left Vienna for Budapest - this was the middle of November - I was able to draw his attention to the details of this catastrophic measure, and I had also informed him that, together with General Winkelmann, I had already protested to Himmler. General Juettner, under the impression of what he had seen himself, had had talks in Budapest with General Winkelmann, and also with a subordinate of Eichmann's in the presence of Winkelmann and myself, and expressed his indignation. As far as I remember, Eichmann's subordinate put forward the excuse that he was only carrying out orders.

(33): What do you know of the "foot march" of the Jews of Budapest to the Austrian border?

Answer: As far as I remember, the foot march began at the end of October 1944, i.e., under the Szalasi Government. The reason given for the foot march was that these people had to build a defensive rampart on the Austrian border. That is why there was mention of age limits for men suitable for this purpose. When I had discussions in Switzerland with President Roosevelt's emissary on war refugee matters, Mr. McClelland, and with Mr. Saly Mayer, I promised these gentlemen that I would without delay make representations to Himmler, in order to put an end to this foot march, but in any case, if that could not be arranged, at least to ensure that those taking part in the march should, in terms of age and physical capacity, be suitable for constructing fieldworks.

When I returned from Switzerland at the beginning of November, I saw, on the road from Vienna to Budapest, dreadful sights of misery of people marching. I immediately informed General Winkelmann, and together with General Winkelmann submitted a detailed report - I believe by teletype - to Himmler, with the request that he give orders for this foot march to be stopped.

I do not know whether this order for which we asked was issued immediately. In fact, the foot march continued, because a few days later I again saw these marches on the road from Budapest to Vienna.

I then went to Himmler and endeavoured to have the foot march stopped. Himmler then prohibited the foot march. I remember the people on the foot march being in an extremely bad state. As far as I remember, those in the march included ten-year-old children, as well as old people of 65 years of both sexes. I also remember that at least in part - I drove along the road three times - the weather was bad. As to whether in talking to General Juettner I called this foot march Eichmann's regiment (Standarte), I cannot remember any more today.

(34): Where did Eichmann live in Budapest?

Answer: I do not know where his dwelling was. I do not remember ever visiting him there. His office was on the Schwabenberg.

(35): Did you know Slawik, Eichmann's caretaker?

Answer: No.

(36): Did you know the name of Eichmann's driver in Budapest?

Answer: No.

(37): Did you know SS Obersturmbannführer Dr. Wilhelm Hoettl?

Answer: I knew him fleetingly in Budapest. I met him again later in the witnesses' wing of the Palace of Justice in Nuremberg.

(38): Did you know of any relations between the Accused and Dr. Hoettl?

Answer: Not at all.

(39): What German personnel were available to you for carrying out your special assignment for the SS Leadership Head Office?

Answer: The people I worked with were detached from units of the Waffen-SS and assigned to my staff. They were officers for requisitioning horses, veterinary officers, paymasters, non-commissioned officers and private soldiers. The horse- requisitioning commissions consisted of Hungarian officers from the Honved Ministry, German army officers and members of my staff.

The hearing was adjourned at 17.30.

Bremen, 21 June 1961
The hearing was continued on 21 June 1961.

Present: The same persons.

(40): Do you identify as authentic the teletypes of 25 and 26 August 1944, of which a photocopy has been submitted (Document Nos. 1421 and 1422 of the Israeli Prosecution)?

Answer: Although I do not remember the exact wording, I acknowledge that these documents are photocopies of teletypes which might have been exchanged between myself and Himmler.

(41): Do you still maintain as accurate your statements made in 1947 and 1948 as they have been joined together in Prosecution document No. 774?

Answer: No. 929 of 7 July 1947 and 929 B of 10 July 1947 (though only slightly, because of the short time available to me), I can declare that the statements made in them correspond to the truth. Having looked at these records, I remember especially that my description of the conversation with Eichmann before Himmler is accurate.

Due to lack of time, I only glanced also at the other records submitted to me yesterday: one without a number, dated 28 July 1947, No. 1858 of 29 August 1947, No. 2294 of 1 November 1947, No. 2710a of 2 March 1948, and No. 2710c of 22 June 1948. I have only a vague recollection of these interrogations. As can be seen in these records, in part I expressed myself on matters which I knew by hearsay only, and about which I heard only during my internment. Today I am no longer able to remember many of the events about which I testified in these interrogations.

(42): What led up to the conversation in December 1944 in Triberg between Himmler and Eichmann at which you were present?

Answer: I gave expression to my complaints and my uneasiness that it seemed to me that, time and again, Eichmann tried to circumvent the instructions issued by Himmler. I requested Himmler to send for Eichmann, in order to inform him in person of his intentions. I had told Himmler that Eichmann simply did not take his orders seriously, and would only carry them out if they were expressly confirmed by Gruppenführer Müller. Eichmann had told me this much himself. Himmler then sent for Eichmann, together with myself.

In personal conversations with Himmler, I told him of my impression that Eichmann had his support in Müller and Kaltenbrunner, and that I was not sure whether in the long run Eichmann would follow Himmler's orders and instructions. I remember that I recommended to Himmler that he himself try to convince Eichmann of his current thinking. As far as I remember, I recommended to Himmler to award Eichmann a decoration, as I had the impression that Eichmann would be amenable to such a welcome from Himmler.

As far as I remember, the conversation between Himmler, Eichmann and myself took place in Himmler's command carriage in the Black Forest, near Triberg. Himmler talked to Eichmann [in a manner] I would call both kindly and angrily. I remember one thing that Himmler said to Eichmann in this connection: He shouted at him something like "If until now you have exterminated Jews, from now on, if I order you, as I do now, you must be a fosterer of Jews. I would remind you that in 1933 [1939] it was I who set up the Head Office for Reich Security, and not Gruppenführer Müller or yourself, and that I am in command. If you are not able to do that, you must tell me so!"

(43): Why did you complain to Himmler about Eichmann, and how did Eichmann sabotage your activities?

Answer: It was not always clearly evident how Eichmann counteracted my measures. Dr. Kasztner and Mr. Biss constantly called my attention to any arrangements made by Eichmann which did not fit in with the negotiations between the Rescue Committee and myself, or with my agreements with Himmler. I am, however, unable to remember details any longer. What I still know is that Eichmann always strove to play down these matters as against me. When Himmler had authorized the departure of some seventeen hundred people - I think it was in June or July 1944 - and the persons selected by the Jewish Committee were to be sent in the direction of Vienna, I heard from Dr. Kasztner that Eichmann had given instructions for the transport to head for Bergen- Belsen. At Dr. Kasztner's request, I immediately went to see Eichmann, and according to my recollection, he said something like: "That is true; for technical reasons the transport is going to Bergen-Belsen!" When I asked why it was going to Bergen-Belsen and not proceeding immediately to Switzerland, he said to me: "These people have to go first to Bergen-Belsen!" When I asked when the transport would continue, Eichmann said: "As soon as the order is given!" He added that in the end it was up to him to determine when the transport would get under way, since there were sufficient arguments as against Himmler as well for the transport not to leave. For example, spotted typhus might have broken out. The transport could also have been wiped out on the way by enemy bombing.

I contacted Himmler once again about this transport and finally managed to arrange that the transport really went to Switzerland.

Several times Eichmann said to me that even orders from Himmler would be carried out by him only if his chief, Gruppenführer Müller, confirmed these orders.

In April 1945 I tried to ensure that the inmates of concentration camps should not be exterminated through the fighting. Himmler gave me full powers in this respect for the Bergen-Belsen concentration camp. For tactical reasons it seemed expedient to me to let Eichmann know that I had received such powers from Himmler, in order to deter him from possibly doing something. So, before I left for Bergen- Belsen with Dr. Kasztner, I went to Eichmann's office here in Berlin. I told Eichmann that I was going to Bergen- Belsen with Dr. Kasztner, and then on to Neuengamme. At this point Eichmann exploded in a fit of rage at my intention of taking "this scoundrel Kasztner" to a concentration camp, quite apart from the fact that he did not agree to my having access to a concentration camp. Eichmann stated flatly that he and Gruppenführer Müller would not allow it, and that, furthermore, it was undesirable for Kasztner to go with me. I nevertheless left for Bergen-Belsen with Kasztner. As far as co-operation in practice between Kaltenbrunner and Eichmann, and Gruppenführer Müller and Eichmann, is concerned, as I remember things today, my impression is that in many instances Eichmann worked directly with Kaltenbrunner, but that in the main the co-operation was between Eichmann and Müller. I am not able to give any examples of Eichmann and Kaltenbrunner working together directly in some cases.

(44): Did you inform Eichmann of Himmler's orders, and what was his reaction? By what means did Eichmann normally receive Himmler's orders?

Answer: Himmler issued his orders through official channels. I only showed Eichmann the copy of the order I had managed to obtain, addressed to Kaltenbrunner and Pohl, for stopping the extermination of the Jews. I believe that this was in Budapest. I remember Eichmann being utterly dismayed at this order. However, I am unable today to say exactly what he said. As far as I remember today, I did sometimes inform Eichmann orally of Himmler's decisions, i.e., in cases where it seemed to me to be suitable to give Eichmann advance notification.

(45): Do you believe that the transport of 1,700 persons would not have been allowed to go had you not made efforts for the departure of these people?

Answer: Once the number of this transport through departure from Hungary had been set, I received a promise from Himmler, in reply to a direct question, that these people would be allowed to leave for Switzerland. The transport went to Bergen-Belsen instead of Switzerland. I personally had made a commitment to the Jewish Committee, on the basis of Himmler's promise to me, that I would ensure that these people would reach Switzerland. I insisted time and again to Himmler that this transport must continue. Nevertheless, at first Himmler only promised me that five hundred people could emigrate in August. I know that Himmler gave this order. However, in August a transport of only 318 persons crossed the Swiss border. At the end of October, Himmler finally promised me that the remaining persons could now leave. I passed on this statement in binding form to President [of the Joint] Mayer and Mr. McClelland. In December, this transport did actually arrive in Switzerland. In my view, this transport definitely only reached Switzerland because of my continued efforts.

(46): You have said that Eichmann sabotaged your activities. Who supported Eichmann's efforts in this respect?

Answer: I assumed that Eichmann basically relied on Müller, but that he also considered Kaltenbrunner to be a major source of support.

(47): When you made your statements of 27 and 28 March 1946, as contained in Israeli Prosecution Document No. 827,* {* Exhibit T/690} did they correspond to the truth, and do you maintain your testimony today?

Answer: I have glanced at these records. The testimony I gave then is correct. I have nothing further to add in that respect. I remember meeting Eichmann in the middle of April in Himmler's quarters in Wustrau. However, today I no longer remember the details of what we talked about.

(48): How did you make the acquaintance of Dr. Rudolf Kasztner?

Answer: As far as I remember, I met Dr. Kasztner at the beginning or in the middle of June 1944. We were introduced by Dr. Billitz; I no longer remember whether I first saw Dr. Kasztner with Dr. Billitz or Eichmann, or with the two of them.

(49): When did you suggest to Himmler that a stop be put to deporting Jews?

Answer: I am no longer able to say when I first suggested to Himmler to put a stop to deporting Jews. I should imagine that I put this proposal insistently around June 1944.

(50): What was the result of your efforts with Himmler?

Answer: I remember that, after my first talks with President Saly Mayer on the Swiss border on 21 August 1944, I approached Himmler again, in order to get him to stop the deportations. I also know that, immediately after I made my report, Himmler ordered that deportations of Jews from Hungary be halted. The order, which I later managed to obtain from Himmler to Kaltenbrunner and Pohl - "With immediate effect, I prohibit any destruction of Jews and, on the contrary, I order that weak and sick persons be looked after. I will consider you to be personally responsible if this order is not followed strictly also by your subordinate departments," meant that Himmler not only prohibited the deportation and destruction of Jews, but, on the contrary, gave orders for sick and weak Jews to be looked after.

Another result of my efforts with Himmler is the stoppage of transporting Jews to Austria by foot marches, which I obtained with the assistance of General Winkelmann and General Juettner.

The measures I carried out in the last weeks of the War to protect the lives of the inmates of concentration camps are also to be considered as a result of this attitude on the part of Himmler which I managed to bring about.

(51): How did Eichmann react to your intervention to put an end to the foot march?

Answer: I cannot say anything about this on the basis of my own observations. In any case, I no longer remember any details today.

(52): What was the relationship between Himmler and Kaltenbrunner?

Answer: I cannot say anything about this from my own knowledge. However, my impression at the time was that the relationship between Himmler and Kaltenbrunner was constantly worsening. Himmler tended increasingly to accept my proposals. In contrast, Kaltenbrunner followed Hitler's hard-line approach. In this connection, I know that Himmler remarked to me that he was concerned that Kaltenbrunner would denounce my efforts to Hitler.

(53): How would you explain Himmler's trying to mollify Eichmann by awarding him a decoration, when Eichmann had not followed his orders?

Answer: I already replied to this question in my interrogation on 10 July 1947 (Interrogation No. 929 B, contained in document No. 774 of the Israeli Prosecution), on page ten, in reply to the 37th question. What I have stated there is true to the facts, and I maintain this in my interrogation today.

(54): How were Jewish assets in Hungary seized for the SS and transferred to Germany?

Answer: As far as I remember, I and my staff did not carry out any confiscations. However, I do know that assets were handed over to my staff; they were meant to enable me to reason with Himmler on the basis of contributions by the Jews. This is something which was agreed to with the Jews, particularly with Dr. Kasztner and Engineer Biss. I am unable to state how Jewish assets in Hungary were seized by other branches of the SS and transferred to Germany. I know nothing as to Jewish goods and assets that were transferred to other German services, apart from the SS. I know that the assets handed over to my department were on my orders handed over by my paymaster, Hauptsturmführer Grabau, to Dr. Schwaiger, on his release from Mauthausen.

As far as I remember, these assets - that is to say, the assets handed in to my staff - were in part handed over by SS offices, and in part by other offices, probably at the instance of the Jewish Committee. I did not deal with these matters in person, so that I cannot say anything about the details. In reply to the question as to whether I remember that equipment for horses was bought for a sum of six million Pengoe, I no longer remember that today. I do remember that a large amount of coffee was handed over to my staff. As far as I remember, the assets returned to Dr. Schwaiger included also the valuables which were handed over to my staff either by Klages' office or by Eichmann's office.

(55): Did your office issue protective passes?

Answer: Protective passes were issued directly by my office, and also, on my recommendation and with my assistance, by various other offices and organizations. I remember my assistance in obtaining Swedish and Swiss protective passes, and also that still under the Szalasi Government, one hundred passes signed by the Minister for the Party were obtained. In general, I would say that these protective passes were issued in order to protect Jewish people against various anti-Jewish measures. As to whether I tried to keep the issue of protective passes as secret as possible, I can reply in the affirmative.

(56): Did you give Jewish persons the possibility of being included in the special transport of 1,700 Jews?

Answer: As far as I remember, in co-ordination with the Jewish Committee, persons were proposed for this transport by my staff. I no longer remember the figure. As to whether the committee refused to include a particular person, my reply is that I cannot remember that.

(57): Did those who received protective passes or those included in the special transport provide anything in return?

Answer: As far as I remember, these were in the main persons who somehow worked with my equipment staff or for the equipment staff. I think it possible that, when these people left the country, they handed over some goods or monetary valuables. Since I did not deal with these matters in person, I am unable to say anything about them.

When it came to issuing protective passes and including part of these persons in the transport of those who were to travel to Switzerland, I do not know of any form of "team work." In any case, I do not remember anything of this nature. With reference to the comment which Dr. Kasztner made in his report (Israeli Prosecution document No. 900, page 62), I can but state that I do not know of this and have no recollection of it.

(58): It has been suggested to you that, according to Dr. Kasztner's report (Document No. 900 of the Israeli Prosecution, pages 132-133), a telegram arrived from Ketlitz on 27 November. How did Eichmann react when he heard what the telegram said?

Answer: I do not remember details of this discussion. However, I have no doubt that the situation might well have been as described by Dr. Kasztner. At this time, the atmosphere between the Rescue Committee and myself on the one hand, and Eichmann on the other hand, was extremely tense.

(59): Why did you recommend that Jews be allowed to emigrate if they provided something in return?

Answer: When I was asked by the Jews to intervene on their behalf, in talking to Himmler, I used the proposals already under discussion, of trucks in return for letting people go. Dr. Billitz reported to me that this proposal was under negotiation by Eichmann and the Jewish Rescue Committee. It was on this basis that I started my efforts with Himmler, and I continued with them even when I saw quite clearly that this was not meant as a serious proposal. I used all kinds of considerations concerning valuables, and negotiations about considerations to be provided in return, in order to prove to Himmler how the Jews were keeping their promises, even though these return services were actually put into effect only to a very small extent.

(60): Did the Accused do anything to thwart implementation of the exchange deal?

Answer: I would refer to the whole of my examination. I am not able to state anything further at the moment.

61st question: Do you know whether the Accused contravened Himmler's order to cease deportations?

Answer: Today I do not remember whether I knew then of such instances. To supplement my answer to the 59th question, I should like to add that my efforts to protect Jewish and politically persecuted persons were the reason why I pretended that I wished to carry out these business deals, because I considered them to be the only chance of obtaining concessions for these people from Himmler. I made my statement yesterday and today to the best of my knowledge and belief, according to what I remember today. It must, however, be borne in mind that these events took place some seventeen years ago, and also that during the three years of my internment, as well as later, I had to go through many interrogations, in which numerous statements by others were put to me. Consequently, it is not impossible that my power of recollection may mislead me on some point or other.

Read out, approved, and signed
(-) Kurt A. Becher

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