Salonica 1912-1924

Discussions on the final era of the Ottoman Empire, from the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 until the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923.
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Peter H
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Salonica 1912-1924

Post by Peter H » 23 Feb 2007 04:43

http://www.nextbook.org/cultural/feature.html?id=161
The northern Greek city of Salonica—Thessaloniki to the Greeks—passed through Roman and Byzantine hands before falling to the Ottomans in 1430, which is the starting point of Mark Mazower's Salonica, City of Ghosts: Christians, Muslims and Jews, a chronicle 20 years in the making. At the geographical heart of the Ottoman Empire, Salonica was among its largest ports and most vital economic centers until the 18th century, when several episodes of the plague, along with a shift of trade routes to the rising Turkish port of Izmir, damaged the city's fortunes. By then, however, it had developed what Mazower calls a multiconfessional community whose many religions and ethnic groups mingled freely; the city, for example, was home to the ma'min, Sephardic Jews who followed the false messiah Sabbetai Sevi into Islam and practiced both Jewish and Muslim rites. This diversity persisted until Greek nationalists captured Salonica in 1912. A forced population exchange with republican Turkey in the 1920s emptied the city of its Muslims..

Mark Mazower's Salonica, City of Ghosts: Christians, Muslims, and Jews, 1430-1950 has this to say on the situation in 1912/13:
As it marched towards Salonica across the Vardar valley, the Hellenic Army was far less violent towards Muslim civilians than its Serbian and Bulgarian allies (in fact, many Muslim peasants fled into Greek-held territory to get away from the other armies, and, especially, from the bands of irregulars which accompanied them), and for the most part it preserved its discipline. When Bosnian Muslims, recently settled by the Young Turks in villages in the plain, greeted the troops in the traditional gesture of surrender by offering them bread and salt, there was no trouble.....

....What stoked tensions and kept them high was the arrival some months after it ended of Greek refugees from Bulgarian and Ottoman Thrace in the east. From late 1913, more than one hundred thousand Greeks suffered ethnic cleansing of their own: they were driven out of their homes by Bulgarian and Ottoman troops and fled westwards. Once safely in Greece, they wanted revenge and took it on local Muslims. Immigrant families occupied Muslim properties and tried to drive out their owners. Others were resettled in Muslim communal buildings. The refugees could often count on the sympathy of Greek gendarmes and denounced Muslim farmers to get them arrested or their homes searched. With no diplomatic representation of their own (at least before the arrival of an Ottoman consul in Salonica in 1914), and no political representation in Greece before the elections of 1915, Muslim grievances and remonstrations fell on deaf ears.....

...Of the 140,000 who had left by April 1914, only 24,000 were from the newly conquered Greek territories: the vast majority had fled the Serbs and Bulgarians, some in anticipation of future troubles, or another war. Nevertheless, the extent of the exodus was reaching the international press, casting a shadow over Greece’s image abroad and jeopardising its relationship with the Ottoman government....

...The Turkish press had their own mirror-image of the Greek allegations: it was all the fault of the Greeks and their purported ‘systematic plan to force the Muslims to emigrate’. Yet this too glossed a more complex reality. The brutality of lower-ranking Greek officials, and the anti-Muslim outlook of many of the men were unmissable. But in the upper echelons of power other considerations were operative. The government was concerned at losing the ‘sober and hardworking’ Muslim farmer through emigration: who would then farm the new lands? No one in Athens dreamed in 1914 that more than one million Greeks might eventually be forced to leave Anatolia. On the contrary, the need to make sure that they were properly treated was a major curb on any officially sanctioned Greek anti-Muslim policy. Junior officers often had to be reminded that every time they drove out a Muslim farmer from Macedonia, there were two more Greek farmers in Anatolia who risked the same fate. The Ottoman government did not bother to hide the link, and there was a clear relationship between the expulsions of Greeks and Turks. Indeed the Turkish authorities began their own deportation of Greek populations from the western coast of Anatolia in the spring of 1914, and were stopped only in a few areas by the protests of powerful beys who feared losing their Christian workforce. The arrival of the Muslim refugees from Macedonia in Anatolia led to the formation of irregular chetté bands which wreaking their revenge on the Christian peasants. In May 1914 40,000 Anatolian Greeks fled the Turkish town of Chesme for the safety of Chios. Not for the first or last time, victims were becoming perpetrators, adding another twist to the spiral of nationalist war...

At the highest levels of the Greek state, however, there was, for all the harassment and persecution, no desire to provoke a large-scale emigration and had it not been for the pressure exerted by incoming Greek refugees, the persecution of Muslims in Greece would have subsided more quickly. As it was, experienced observers in Salonica in spring 1914 were impressed by the extent to which the Greek authorities were trying ‘not to offend the susceptibilities of their Moslem subjects’ and predicted that ‘in time Greek rule may benefit them. In 1915 national elections took place in which Muslims could vote. They were considerably freer than the 1912 elections to the Ottoman parliament had been, and 16 Turkish MPs took their seats in Athens supporting the anti-Venizelist camp. Indeed Salonica’s Muslim (and Jewish) voters became a crucial base of support for Venizelos’s main opponent, something which the Venizelists would neither forgive nor forget, as tempers frayed and the country fell apart during the First World War and its aftermath....

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Peter H
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Post by Peter H » 23 Feb 2007 04:46

Mazower on 1914-21:
Most Muslim residents in the city kept their Ottoman citizenship after 1912, and the new authorities followed the old Ottoman model by creating what they termed an ‘Ottoman community’ to represent them, headed by a newly appointed mufti. Unfortunately, it was not always clear whether the rents on certain properties – the legacy of the old vakf system - belonged to the municipality as a whole, or merely to the city’s Muslims. With the municipality laying claim to buildings and lands, many former sources of revenue for Muslim mosques, tekkes, schools and orphanages dried up, making it harder for the new ‘Ottoman community’ to support its own poor and needy. The presence of an Ottoman consul afforded some diplomatic protection and gave added leverage. But the community remained very weak, and politically it was unable to get the local authorities – despite the fact that the mayor at this time was a Muslim, Osman Sait Bey – to protect them...Within a couple of years, more than fifteen thousand Muslims had left, reducing the community by one-third. The mother, sister and cousin of Mustafa Kemal abandoned their house in the city for the refugee camps of the Turkish capital. Nazim Pacha, the last governor of the city, also left: he was a distinguished former associate of the great reformer Midhat Pacha, a poet and a Mevlevi adept...

...When Greece entered the war on the Entente side, there were still some thirty thousand Muslims in Salonica, and more than ten times that number in the hinterland. Many remained Ottoman citizens and sympathised with the Central Powers. In his memoirs, Reshat Tesal describes what life was like for a young Muslim boy at this time in the city. When a German Zeppelin was shot down and its carcass was re-assembled and put on display by the White Tower, Tesal recounts that the local Turks mourned the loss of an ally. And in 1918, when Greeks celebrated the end of the war, they mocked Tesal and his brother, by reminding them they had lost...

...Despite the Greek invasion of Anatolia, however, and the subsequent outbreak of hostilities with Turkish nationalist forces, conditions for Muslims in Salonica unexpectedly improved after new elections in November 1920 produced the biggest shock in Greek political history: Venizelos was ejected from office by a war-weary electorate, and his royalist opponents took office. The votes of the Muslim and Jewish minorities in northern Greece turned out to be crucial to the anti-Venizelists’ success. When the news reached Salonica, delighted Greek soldiers - for there were huge numbers of Greek anti-Venizelists too – swapped their caps for Muslim fezes, and Turks and Jews joined in the celebrations.The formation of a royalist government in Athens did not lead to any radical change of policy in Asia Minor. But for a year and a half, until the Greek collapse there, it did mean that Salonica’s Muslims enjoyed the most sympathetic and supportive administration they had known. Under the presidency of a Muslim government deputy, a congress on the use of the Turkish language in education was convened, and CUP supporters battled it out again with old-style Ottomanists over the language question. New Turkish-language newspapers and satirical journals emerged, textbooks were imported from Allied-controlled Istanbul, and travel restrictions on Muslims were lifted. At Ramadan in 1921, the iftar and sahur cannonades were fired once more to mark the points between dusk and dawn when Muslims might break their fast: for the last time in the city’s history, Muslims entertained their friends and relatives outside during these festive evenings...

The subsequent Greek collapse in Asia Minor and the return of the Venizelos put an end to this good era.Fears were expressed that Mustafa Kemal would "seize the chance of marching to free Salonica, his own birthplace."

1922-24:
...But although Greek politics was now set for another round of the interminable struggle between royalists and republicans, this no longer mattered to Salonica’s Muslims. For at the end of 1922 Greek and Turkish delegates meeting in Lausanne had negotiated an end to the war and agreed at the same time to a wholesale exchange of populations. There had been voluntary exchanges before but for the first time in history this one was to be compulsory and sanctioned by international law....

...The truth was that more than one million refugees had already arrived in Greece by the time the agreement was signed, and there was no earthly chance they could ever return to their homes. The imperative for the Greek side was to find ways to house them, and in Venizelos’s mind this meant expelling the country’s remaining Muslims so that their property could be utilised. The calculation suited the new regime in Turkey too: not only would their control of the much larger quantity of Christian property in Anatolia be thereby legitimated; but they would also need Muslim immigrants to resettle the land and help cushion the huge economic disruption which the loss of so many Christians must cause. As a Turkish deputy put it to the Ankara assembly: ‘The arrival of every individual is a source of richness for us; and the departure of every individual is a blessing for us!’ For both sides, it was evident that if Greece’s Muslims would not go by themselves, they must be forced to leave.

For Salonica, therefore, the 1923 population exchange completed what 1912 had begun – the dispossession and disappearance of the city’s Muslim inhabitants who had dominated its life over the preceding five centuries. Although the city was by this point predominantly – and increasingly – Greek, as of July 1923 a Muslim community of at least eighteen thousand people remained. They were deeply attached to their birthplace and according to the local Greek authorities, only a ‘few fanatics’ actually wanted to depart. The sisters of the departing mayor were said to be ‘inconsolable’ at having to leave their home. ‘When our people asked those caught up in the exchange if they were happy to be going to Turkey,’ remembered Kostas Tomanas, ‘They replied sorrowfully, “We don’t know”’....

In this process of nation-making through force there were two deadly novelties in operation. The first – visible during the Balkan Wars – was what a much later generation termed ethnic cleansing, that is to say, the use of war to alter the ethnographic balance of particular regions. Greeks, Turks, Serbs and Bulgarians had all – to one degree or another – seen the wars of 1912-18 in such terms. Yet ethnic cleansing was usually hesitant, partial, and incomplete, and the hatreds of soldiers, gendarmes and peasants were often counter-balanced by the very different priorities of political elites. In Salonica – and in the surrounding countryside – the majority of the Muslim inhabitants had not moved: they had withstood the threat of violence just as they had proved deaf to the calls of Turkish politicians and agents to uproot themselves for the good of the homeland...

To get them to leave in their totality required the second innovation – a diplomatic agreement drawn up between states in the aftermath of war, which forcibly uprooted these people for the sake of geopolitical stability and nation-building. This time – in 1923-24 – they had to leave whether they wished to or not. Their nationality was of no relevance; their religion alone marked them out for removal. And it was just here that the awesome power and ambition of the twentieth century state left its nineteenth century Ottoman precursor in the shade. Populations could now be moved on an unprecedented scale, and every aspect of the operation – from the evaluation of properties to transportation and resettlement – was, at least on paper, the responsibility of the state. Under such pressure, the Muslims of Salonica had no choice, and within a year and a half, Muslim life in the city came to an end.

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Peter H
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Post by Peter H » 23 Feb 2007 04:52

The population exchange under the Treaty of Lausanne:

http://www.let.leidenuniv.nl/tcimo/tulp ... /ejz18.htm

The idea of exchanging the Greeks of Asia Minor against Muslims living in Greece was first broached by the Norwegian Fritjof Nansen (1861-1930), who had been the League of Nations’ High Commissioner for refugees since 1919. It was quickly taken up by the Greek government. The inflow of three quarters of a million refugees posed almost insurmountable housing problems in Greece and the removal of the 600.000 Muslims in Greece would go some way towards alleviating the problem, as the vacated homes of the Muslims could be used to re-house the immigrants. Greece had some experience with population exchanges by now. A clause allowing the exchange (on a voluntary basis) of 92.000 Bulgarians against 46.000 Greeks had already been inserted into the peace agreement of Neully with Bulgaria, concluded in August 1920.

Nansen was given the green light by the League of Nations to explore the possibilities of an exchange on 14 November 1922, one week before the start of the peace negotiations between Great Britain, France, Italy and Greece on the one hand and Turkey on the other in Lausanne. Turkey agreed in principle, on condition that the Turkish-Muslim population of Western Thrace (for which the Turkish delegation in Lausanne demanded a plebiscite on inclusion in Turkey or Greece) would be exempt. In return, the Greeks then demanded an exemption for the Greek-Orthodox inhabitants of Constantinople. During the protracted peace negotiations in Lausanne a convention was concluded between the two countries on 30 January 1923. It covered those “Turkish nationals of Greek Orthodox religion and Greek nationals of the Moslem religion” who had emigrated voluntarily or had been forced to emigrate since 18 October 1912 (the date of Greece’s declaration of war at the start of the Balkan War). This of course included those groups who had remained in their place but would now be forced to emigrate for the first time. The convention came into force when it was included in the peace treaty of Lausanne concluded on 24 July 1923.

Three things are remarkable about the convention. In the first place the criterion was exclusively religious. There was no reference to linguistic categories or to ethnic ones. The majority of the Muslims from Macedonia were Greek speaking and a considerable proportion of the Greek Orthodox of Central Anatolia spoke Turkish. Nevertheless, these groups were earmarked for migration on the grounds of their religion. In the second place, there was the retroactive character of the convention: it was not limited to the migrations which had started in 1922, but legitimised all of the – largely forced – migrations caused by the wars, which had taken place since 1912. In the third place, there was the involuntary nature of the migration. This was the first time that compulsory migration, or – to give it a more honest name – deportation, was legalised under international law.

As almost all Greeks from Western Asia Minor had already left the country, the population exchange mainly involved the transfer of the Central Anatolian Greek Orthodox (Greek and Turkish speaking) and the Pontic Greeks. Of the latter community, it was primarily the inhabitants of the towns on the Black Sea littoral who were moved, as the Greeks of the mountainous inland areas, some 80.000 people in all, had largely moved East instead of West, into Georgia and Russia, when they had lost the armed struggle against the Turkish nationalists.

...The pattern of resettlement of Macedonian Muslims in Turkey was quite different. The migrants from Macedonia formed a much smaller group than those who had left Turkey. They also overwhelmingly came from a rural background, so it was logical that they should be assigned farmland. The Turkish authorities dealt with individual families rather than with whole communities and in assigning land they classified the immigrants according to their agricultural specialisation: tobacco growers, olive growers and growers of grapes. They were resettled in areas which were considered suitable for their kind of produce. Tobacco growers for example, who had produced the famous Macedonian tobacco which went into Egyptian cigarettes, were resettled in the Samsun area on the Black coast, where they grew tobacco for the state monopoly of the Turkish republic.

In Turkish society, the immigrants, like those who had come to the country as the result of earlier waves of immigration (1878, 1913), remained a recognisably different group, collectively known as ‘muhacir’s. They lived in separate villages or neighbourhoods and on the whole kept up their traditions. The use of minority languages was actively discouraged by the government of the republic, but the first and second generation migrants still often spoke Greek or Albanian amongst themselves. A common characteristic of the Greek and the Muslim migrants is that they had to rebuild their lives from scratch. The Lausanne convention included the establishment of a mixed commission on the pattern of the earlier agreements with Bulgaria, but in the event the task of assessing the value of the property left behind and disposing of it in an equitable manner proved simply too complicated. The mixed commission continued its work until October 1934, but the bulk of the migrants never saw any money.

In Turkish eyes, those who came in 1924-25 constituted only one among many groups of Muslim refugees who had had to be resettled ever since the Eighteen Twenties. At the time the Republic of Turkey was founded in 1923, over twenty percent of its population had a ‘muhacir’ background. In line with the policies of their predecessors, the rulers of the Committee of Union and Progress, the leaders of the republic saw the homogenisation of Anatolia (which was now a 98 percent Muslim country as opposed to 80 percent in 1912) as a positive development. In other words: the population exchange was seen as an integral part of the nation-building process and the fact that the homogenisation of Anatolia also meant that the precious skills of an entire commercial and industrial middle class had been lost, was seen as a price that had to be paid for full independence. This historical interpretation still prevails, both in Turkey itself and in the literature on Turkey in Europe and America.

...The fact that the Macedonian deportees were only one among many groups of immigrants and that it concerned a relatively small community (3 percent of the population) in a very large and very empty country, has meant that there has been little interest, either scholarly or popular, in the population exchange. Where in Greece there is a whole library of publications and rich resources for further study are available, in Turkey only one fairly small monograph has been published on the exchange. Nostalgia and resentment have been limited to the migrant groups themselves and have not become national issues. It is only very recently that social historians have started to be interested in the human aspects of the population exchange. This new interest expresses itself in a few television documentaries and in plans for oral history projects, which have not so far materialised.

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Post by Tosun Saral » 23 Feb 2007 19:48

Dear Peter,
We Turks call the city "Selanik" Selanik was a pure Turkish city. According to census of 1897 there were 90000 Turks, 45000 Jews, 15000 Rum (we call inhapitants of old Byzantine empire Rum which is arabic form of Romans) Totally 150000 were living in Selanik.. There were 56 mosques, 15 churches, 21 Sinanoges in Selanik. To give a comperation I add census number about Izmir: 70000 Turks, 53000 Rum, 7000 Armenians, 15000 Jews. The Turkish population in towns around Selanik were Doyran, Gevgili, Yenice, Karaferye, Kavala, Kılkış, Serez, Drama were majority Turkish. In Kozana and Kayalar there were no Rum. Around Kozana where my family imigrated from there were 86 Turkish Villages. No Rums
The province or Vilayet of Selanik had a total population 1.134.000 living within 35000 km squage area. There were 311 hamams, 4400 shops, 33600 dwellings.
The jews of Selanik were originaly Hungarian Jews who suffered under Habsburg jorke. As Sultan Suleyman the Magnificent tok Buda into Turkish possession he settled Hungarian Jews in Selanik, Istanbul's Balat and Istanbul's Karakoy. They were mainly turkisc Hazar Jews. For tha reason The Jews of Selanik stayed loyal to their Turkish brothers.

source: Osman Yavuz Saral (My Late brother) "kaybettigimiz Rumeli" (The Rumelia that We Lost) p. 70

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Post by dibo » 09 Mar 2007 14:52

Actually Salonica/Thessaloniki/Solun was a Ottoman city with predominantly Jewish population, second came Greeks, then Turks, Albanians and Bulgarians (these were the major minorities, but there were also others). The Bulgarian population was massacred/expelled in 1913 by the Greeks and the Turks expelled by 1920s. As for the Jews, they continued to be a major part of the population in the city, despite the influx of Greeks in Salonica (after the disaster in the war with Turkey) until the Second World War, when they were deported to the concentration camps.

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