I am looking for transcripts in English of key speeches made by General Franco during the Civil War. Specifically I am looking for any speches he might have made before the start of any Nationalist offensive and during any Republican offensive. Is their a record of his speech to the Condor legion during their farewell event at the end of the war?
Paul Philippou
Franco Speeches
-
paul philippou
- Member
- Posts: 62
- Joined: 10 Jan 2006, 13:34
- Location: scotland - perth
I had found 3 very interesting,but i don't remember the site
I'll search and hopefuly find them
One is telling the reasons for the military uprising and calling Spaniards to join his struggle/uprising
I'll search and hopefuly find them
One is telling the reasons for the military uprising and calling Spaniards to join his struggle/uprising
Last edited by ''X'' on 03 Jan 2007, 01:45, edited 1 time in total.
Here is the one i was telling you
Francisco Franco, speech (17th July 1936)
Spaniards! The nation calls to her defense all those of you who hear the holy name of Spain, those in the ranks of the Army and Navy who have made a profession of faith in the service of the Motherland, all those who swore to defend her to the death against her enemies. The situation in Spain grows more critical every day; anarchy reigns in most of the countryside and towns; government-appointed authorities encourage revolts, when they do not actually lead them; murderers use pistols and machine guns to settle their differences and to treacherously assassinate innocent people, while the public authorities fail to impose law and order. Revolutionary strikes of all kinds paralyze the life of the nation, destroying its sources of wealth and creating hunger, forcing working men to the point of desperation. The most savage attacks are made upon national monuments and artistic treasures by revolutionary hordes who obey the orders of foreign governments, with the complicity and negligence of local authorities. The most serious crimes are committed in the cities and countryside, while the forces that should defend public order remain in their barracks, bound by blind obedience to those governing authorities that are intent on dishonoring them. The Army, Navy, and other armed forces are the target of the most obscene and slanderous attacks, which are carried out by the very people who should be protecting their prestige. Meanwhile, martial law is imposed to gag the nation, to hide what is happening in its towns and cities, and to imprison alleged political opponents.
Francisco Franco, speech (17th July 1936)
Spaniards! The nation calls to her defense all those of you who hear the holy name of Spain, those in the ranks of the Army and Navy who have made a profession of faith in the service of the Motherland, all those who swore to defend her to the death against her enemies. The situation in Spain grows more critical every day; anarchy reigns in most of the countryside and towns; government-appointed authorities encourage revolts, when they do not actually lead them; murderers use pistols and machine guns to settle their differences and to treacherously assassinate innocent people, while the public authorities fail to impose law and order. Revolutionary strikes of all kinds paralyze the life of the nation, destroying its sources of wealth and creating hunger, forcing working men to the point of desperation. The most savage attacks are made upon national monuments and artistic treasures by revolutionary hordes who obey the orders of foreign governments, with the complicity and negligence of local authorities. The most serious crimes are committed in the cities and countryside, while the forces that should defend public order remain in their barracks, bound by blind obedience to those governing authorities that are intent on dishonoring them. The Army, Navy, and other armed forces are the target of the most obscene and slanderous attacks, which are carried out by the very people who should be protecting their prestige. Meanwhile, martial law is imposed to gag the nation, to hide what is happening in its towns and cities, and to imprison alleged political opponents.
Francisco Franco, statement (26th November, 1937)
I will impose my will by victory and will not enter into discussion. We open our arms to all Spaniards and offer them the
opportunity of helping to form the Spain of tomorrow which will be a land of justice, mercy, and fraternity. The war is already won on the battlefields as in the economic, commercial, industrial, and even social spheres. I will only agree to end it militarily. My troops will advance. The choice for the enemy is fight or unconditional surrender, nothing else.
I will impose my will by victory and will not enter into discussion. We open our arms to all Spaniards and offer them the
opportunity of helping to form the Spain of tomorrow which will be a land of justice, mercy, and fraternity. The war is already won on the battlefields as in the economic, commercial, industrial, and even social spheres. I will only agree to end it militarily. My troops will advance. The choice for the enemy is fight or unconditional surrender, nothing else.
Here is a farewall Speech of Franco to the cadets of the military academy.Franco was dissapointed with the goverments decision to close the academy and it was his first clash with the republic
It would be great if a Spaniard could translate some parts,the most important ones.
http://www.generalisimofranco.com/discurso12.htm
It would be great if a Spaniard could translate some parts,the most important ones.
http://www.generalisimofranco.com/discurso12.htm
-
paul philippou
- Member
- Posts: 62
- Joined: 10 Jan 2006, 13:34
- Location: scotland - perth
Statement issued by General Francisco Franco about the bombing of Barcelona (24th March 1938)
The air raids carried out by the 'Nationalist' air force on military objectives in Barcelona have been reported with notorious mendacity by the 'Red' press and part of the foreign press, too. The 'Nationalist' air force has sought only to destroy strictly military objectives.
'Red' barbarity has converted the district situated in the centre of towns into huge stores of explosives and war material. 'Red' propaganda states that some of the 'Nationalist' bombs fell in the Cataluna Square, on the underground station of the Metro, and the main northern railway station.
It omitted to say, however, that these two points had been converted into huge munition dumps, a fact which is proved by the several explosions which took place after the falling of the bombs. These explosions caused the collapse of several buildings such as the Barcelona Theatre and others in the Cataluna Square.
We regret the victims caused amongst the civilian population, but responsibility for these rests with the 'Red' authorities who, violating all the laws of humanity and warfare, have placed huge powder dumps in the middle of large cities.
The air raids carried out by the 'Nationalist' air force on military objectives in Barcelona have been reported with notorious mendacity by the 'Red' press and part of the foreign press, too. The 'Nationalist' air force has sought only to destroy strictly military objectives.
'Red' barbarity has converted the district situated in the centre of towns into huge stores of explosives and war material. 'Red' propaganda states that some of the 'Nationalist' bombs fell in the Cataluna Square, on the underground station of the Metro, and the main northern railway station.
It omitted to say, however, that these two points had been converted into huge munition dumps, a fact which is proved by the several explosions which took place after the falling of the bombs. These explosions caused the collapse of several buildings such as the Barcelona Theatre and others in the Cataluna Square.
We regret the victims caused amongst the civilian population, but responsibility for these rests with the 'Red' authorities who, violating all the laws of humanity and warfare, have placed huge powder dumps in the middle of large cities.
10) Francisco Franco, statement (18th July, 1938)
Our fight is a crusade in which Europe's fate is at stake. That is why since the beginning Russia has taken her place unconditionally on the side of the Spanish Republic by sending tanks and a thousand war-planes, and by mobilizing the undesirables of all Europe to fight for the Red Army. Our triumph is immense, in spite of the difficulties of the enterprise. No difficulties have prevented the rescue of over three million Spaniards from Red barbarism during the second triumphal year.
I beg your affectionate remembrance of our brothers who are suffering from the effects of lawlessness in the Red zone,
and your prayers for the martyrs of our cause. I pay tribute to those who have fallen far from their own countries - the
natives, the volunteers, the legionaries who left their home to enrol in the forces of the crusade and to demonstrate in Spain the fullness of their countries' identification with the cause of firmness and friendship professed by them towards Spain.
The Reds assassinated over 70,000 in Madrid, 20,000 in Valencia, 54,000 in Barcelona. Such crimes are the work of the Comintern and its agents Rosenberg, Marti, Negrin, Del Vayo - all servants of Soviet Russia.
Spaniards have a duty to remember that Christian charity is boundless for the deluded and the repentant but they must
observe the dictates of prudence and not allow the infiltration of the recalcitrant enemies of Spain. Those proceeding from a politically infested area must undergo quarantine to avoid the contamination of the community.
I denounce the new Red campaigns of those posing as defenders of Spanish independence against foreign invasion.
The foreign invasion came through the Catalan frontier, whence entered the undesirables who sacked and destroyed Spanish towns and villages, looted banks, destroyed homes, and stole our patrimony of art.
The Reds who pursued these treacherous tactics in the Nationalist rear, in attempting to destroy our unity, will continue these tactics after the war, when our vigilance and our care for the purity of our creed must increase. The Nationalist movement has ousted the old political intrigues and is guiding the nation to greatness and prosperity.
Spain was great when she had a State Executive with a missionary character. Her ideals decayed when a serious leader was replaced by assemblies of irresponsible men, adopting foreign thought and manners. The nation needs unity
to face modem problems, particularly in Spain after the severest trial of her history.
Separatism and class war must be abolished and justice and education must be imposed. The new leaders must be
characterized by austerity, morality, and industry.
Spaniards must adopt the military and religious virtues of discipline and austerity. All elements of discord must be removed.
Our fight is a crusade in which Europe's fate is at stake. That is why since the beginning Russia has taken her place unconditionally on the side of the Spanish Republic by sending tanks and a thousand war-planes, and by mobilizing the undesirables of all Europe to fight for the Red Army. Our triumph is immense, in spite of the difficulties of the enterprise. No difficulties have prevented the rescue of over three million Spaniards from Red barbarism during the second triumphal year.
I beg your affectionate remembrance of our brothers who are suffering from the effects of lawlessness in the Red zone,
and your prayers for the martyrs of our cause. I pay tribute to those who have fallen far from their own countries - the
natives, the volunteers, the legionaries who left their home to enrol in the forces of the crusade and to demonstrate in Spain the fullness of their countries' identification with the cause of firmness and friendship professed by them towards Spain.
The Reds assassinated over 70,000 in Madrid, 20,000 in Valencia, 54,000 in Barcelona. Such crimes are the work of the Comintern and its agents Rosenberg, Marti, Negrin, Del Vayo - all servants of Soviet Russia.
Spaniards have a duty to remember that Christian charity is boundless for the deluded and the repentant but they must
observe the dictates of prudence and not allow the infiltration of the recalcitrant enemies of Spain. Those proceeding from a politically infested area must undergo quarantine to avoid the contamination of the community.
I denounce the new Red campaigns of those posing as defenders of Spanish independence against foreign invasion.
The foreign invasion came through the Catalan frontier, whence entered the undesirables who sacked and destroyed Spanish towns and villages, looted banks, destroyed homes, and stole our patrimony of art.
The Reds who pursued these treacherous tactics in the Nationalist rear, in attempting to destroy our unity, will continue these tactics after the war, when our vigilance and our care for the purity of our creed must increase. The Nationalist movement has ousted the old political intrigues and is guiding the nation to greatness and prosperity.
Spain was great when she had a State Executive with a missionary character. Her ideals decayed when a serious leader was replaced by assemblies of irresponsible men, adopting foreign thought and manners. The nation needs unity
to face modem problems, particularly in Spain after the severest trial of her history.
Separatism and class war must be abolished and justice and education must be imposed. The new leaders must be
characterized by austerity, morality, and industry.
Spaniards must adopt the military and religious virtues of discipline and austerity. All elements of discord must be removed.
Personally i am anticommunist.
However the Spanish cituation wasn't the same with the Greek civil war (where the communists revolted against the legimitate goverment and tried to ''autonomize'' parts of Macedonia and Northern Greece ).
In Spain however, it was Franco revolted against the legimitate goverment
The goverment of 1936 wasn't the best and many murders especially against priests and supporters of the catholic church were made from anarchist gangs.The situation was already tense between the conservatives and the socialists/leftwingers
But Franco did not simply overthrow the republic,but he took the power for himself and never made elections.
He commited many crimes against his political enemies but he did good things for his country also.Many accuse him of giving shelter to many nazis as Degrelle.But they ignore that he helped the jews refugees kai kept his country out of the WW2 disaster.I doubt if a marxists would have done the same.
He was a brave soldier,it would be better if he remainded a brave soldier.As a statesman he made many mistakes
To sum it up,i don't consider Franco as a maniac criminal like Himler,Hitler,Stalin,Pol Pot,Mao etc but he did his share of crimes.
I don't thnik the conservatives should try to hide that.But also leftwingers should not try to glorify anarchists and their murderous leaders as ''freedom fighters'' against ''fascism''
However the Spanish cituation wasn't the same with the Greek civil war (where the communists revolted against the legimitate goverment and tried to ''autonomize'' parts of Macedonia and Northern Greece ).
In Spain however, it was Franco revolted against the legimitate goverment
The goverment of 1936 wasn't the best and many murders especially against priests and supporters of the catholic church were made from anarchist gangs.The situation was already tense between the conservatives and the socialists/leftwingers
But Franco did not simply overthrow the republic,but he took the power for himself and never made elections.
He commited many crimes against his political enemies but he did good things for his country also.Many accuse him of giving shelter to many nazis as Degrelle.But they ignore that he helped the jews refugees kai kept his country out of the WW2 disaster.I doubt if a marxists would have done the same.
He was a brave soldier,it would be better if he remainded a brave soldier.As a statesman he made many mistakes
To sum it up,i don't consider Franco as a maniac criminal like Himler,Hitler,Stalin,Pol Pot,Mao etc but he did his share of crimes.
I don't thnik the conservatives should try to hide that.But also leftwingers should not try to glorify anarchists and their murderous leaders as ''freedom fighters'' against ''fascism''
-
paul philippou
- Member
- Posts: 62
- Joined: 10 Jan 2006, 13:34
- Location: scotland - perth
I also found this post-civil war speech:
GENERALISSIMO FRANCISCO FRANCO'S SPEECH TO FALANGIST PARTY COUNCIL PRAISING GERMAN, ITALIAN, AND SPANISH FASCISM
Madrid, December 8, 1942
New York Times, December 9, 1942.
I want my first words inaugurating the task of this third national council of the Falange to be clear regarding the statement of our political faith.
For three years of war and for three years of what we wrongly called peace we have had to struggle on in concerted endeavor. No one will be astonished if now, when this phase may be considered overcome, we throw off whatever and whoever would like to deflect us from marching toward fulfillment of our movement.
On this depends the destiny of Spain and the preservation of her eternal values, the suppression of which would imply slavery and chaos. On this path we must be intransigent in exacting sacrifices from all for the benefit of our national unity-a guarantee of Spain's future.
The people might not be with Spain, but what is inadmissible is that any one should be against Spain. The foundations of our policy were laid in the beginnings of our movement, when our youth prepared itself for fight and engendered a spirit of our crusade that they derived from our soundest traditions of spiritual values and merged them with the social yearnings of our times. [There was an indistinct sentence at this point.]
We are living through historical moments that have so complicated a nature that, just as external events produce reaction in the internal life of a nation, so the internal life has had effects beyond its frontiers. For this reason our political attitude sought to correlate our actions in the international sphere with the supreme needs of our own country.
We are actors in a new era in which we can have no truck with the mentality of the past. Spain's way of thinking cannot go back to the nineteenth century, accursed by so many false conceptions. It is necessary for Spaniards to abandon the old liberal prejudices and take a survey of Europe in order to analyze contemporary history.
We do not belong to a world of our own, as distinct from Europe, even though we have our own characteristics and spiritual reserves.
All contemporary events show us we are witnessing the end of one era and the beginnings of another; that the liberal world is going down a victim to its own errors, and with it are disappearing commercial imperialism, financial capitalism and mass unemployment. The happiness promised by the French revolution became nothing but barter business, competition, low wages and mass insecurity.
Wealth did not go hand in hand with equitable distribution. The important part of humanity was prey to misery. Freedom is impossible as long as bondage and want exist. Cleverly exploited Marxist slogans caught on with the masses because they deceitfully promised a change in the justice of the pressing situation.
The liberal world, in giving adult suffrage, made them conscious of their own strength. Then the revolutionary process, accelerated by various crises, started. During the last war Russian demobilization led to a situation in which communism seized power and established a barbarian dictatorship of the proletariat. A similar phenomenon manifested itself in Italy after the war, but Mussolini's genius instilled all just and human elements interested in the Italian revolution into the Fascistis' aims.
Mussolini welded the two elements closely and united his own heart into the synthesis of the fascist revolution-a social urge and a national idea. Later, Germany found a new solution for the popular yearnings in national socialism, which unites the national and social idea for the second time in Europe with the special peculiarities of race thirsting for international justice.
Those are not isolated movements, but rather aspects of one and the same general movement and mass rebellion throughout the world. On the face, a new useful consciousness emerged, which reacts against the hypocrisy and inefficiency of the old systems.
Youth marched conscious of its historic responsibility toward a goal sensed but not clearly defined. The goal then was defined by current events and by the leaders. These facts should explain to many people why so many Spaniards welcomed the republic with naive emotion. [At this point there was an indistinct passage, referring to century-old unrest in Spain filled with indignation against "the unjust order."] The greater the hopes, the greater the disillusionment. Anger, indignation and revulsion grew against the vile outfit. [There was another indistinct passage here.]
When the Russian Comintern was about to make the country prey of communism, it was a national movement that saved it and gave hopes for the revolution, its channel and direction. Collaboration-organized youth of Spain was a new facet of the general movement of European youth, which twenty-five years ago launched forth in open rebellion against the old, decayed and senile selfishness. Liberalism succumbed to its impetus. Empty slogans and vacillations were swept overboard and the task attacked in a revolutionary manner.
In our opinion, this maturing youthful enthusiasm still represents the strongest and most positive social factor. There not only was a fusion with our national and social ideals, but also with our catholic soul, our country's raison d'etre, our history and our greatness. The Spanish solution was a union between national and social forces with supremacy of spiritual forces. On those true, unassailable principles our whole political work was based and will appear greater as time passes.
What the masses of the people in England think is not different from what the German masses think, nor do the dissatisfied people of Old Europe think differently from the disinherited in New America. Liberal propaganda may distort these facts and hide the truth for a time, but in the end truth will prevail.
The moment of disillusionment is not far distant. When the war ends and demobilization begins the moment will arrive to settle accounts and to fulfill promises.
Then, whatever projects there may exist now, the historic destiny of our era will be settled, either according to the barbarous formula of bolshevist totalitarianism, or according to the spiritual, patriotic formula Spain offers us, or according to any other formula of the fascist nations.
Neither the feelings of the most numerous social classes, nor the exigencies of the post-war economy, nor the grave problems facing nations, will allow any other path.
Those are mistaken who dream of the establishment of democratic liberal systems in Western Europe, bordering on Russian communism. Those err who speculate on liberal peace agreements or a bourgeois solution.
The world is marching on other roads. And the sentiments by which it is animated are so strong and just that, be it victory or defeat, they will overrun whatever may try to stop them.
The problem is not to permit that brute force of the torrent to destroy everything in its way, but rather to canalize and harness it, so that it becomes the fertilizing element of the new era.
For this reason, because we know that ours is the truth, and because we have labored for it for six years, we look upon events with serenity.
In these days our generations are not merely faced with territorial and political problems, but also with supreme issues of the existence of our faith, our civilization and our culture, which are now at stake once more. This makes our presence in the international sphere so very important. [An indistinct passage.]
Even without commands our destiny in the world implies such contentions are too empty to be taken into account. Neither the highest cause of all, God, a cause never better served than under our regime, nor the interests of the country, never as well defended as in our days, nor the general welfare of our nation, embodied in our restored economy, reborn industries and flourishing fields, are safe from our enemies. What price, in the face of these truths, those remnants of the old minority groups that still clutch their old ideas?
Is it permissible to indulge in differences and divergencies when the fate of the country is at stake? What interests us is how to reach our aim. We cannot make any truce while we are on the way. We are ready then to install-if Spain's interests demand-the traditional system that reigned through our history, under the condition that everything appertaining to the realization and lasting character of our national revolution is safeguarded.
Certain people wished to be in our ranks in order to create among us a controlling body or a new minority group. That could not be permitted. The phase that begins now is that of unity and perfection in work, and of preparing ourselves for the great moment that the world offers us.
We have called you together to carry our work to completion. It is heralded by continuous triumphs of our State, magnificent work of our youth organizations, silent productive labor of our feminine section, and pious endeavors of our social institutions. But our country demands more from us. The essential task lies before the new national council. It may well be that life will become more difficult. Our paths are strewn with thorns, but there can be no flagging in pursuit of our ideals.
It is not enough to set our goal. It must be pursued with constancy and sacrifice. Fortitude, as well as good-will, is needed. When we have all this, the triumph will be complete, because we shall feel strong and secure. We have the strength of our truth, backed by the reality of our power. We promise a hard life, but a Spanish life worthy of our country and its destiny.
We do not work for ephemeral ends, but for a resplendent tomorrow. Our army has in it the flower of youth. Divine assistance clearly has shown itself to us. With it, nothing and nobody shall vanquish us. If we fought hard on our crusade, we would fight even harder if the new danger of new war should threaten us. We know that with us is life, without us, death.
GENERALISSIMO FRANCISCO FRANCO'S SPEECH TO FALANGIST PARTY COUNCIL PRAISING GERMAN, ITALIAN, AND SPANISH FASCISM
Madrid, December 8, 1942
New York Times, December 9, 1942.
I want my first words inaugurating the task of this third national council of the Falange to be clear regarding the statement of our political faith.
For three years of war and for three years of what we wrongly called peace we have had to struggle on in concerted endeavor. No one will be astonished if now, when this phase may be considered overcome, we throw off whatever and whoever would like to deflect us from marching toward fulfillment of our movement.
On this depends the destiny of Spain and the preservation of her eternal values, the suppression of which would imply slavery and chaos. On this path we must be intransigent in exacting sacrifices from all for the benefit of our national unity-a guarantee of Spain's future.
The people might not be with Spain, but what is inadmissible is that any one should be against Spain. The foundations of our policy were laid in the beginnings of our movement, when our youth prepared itself for fight and engendered a spirit of our crusade that they derived from our soundest traditions of spiritual values and merged them with the social yearnings of our times. [There was an indistinct sentence at this point.]
We are living through historical moments that have so complicated a nature that, just as external events produce reaction in the internal life of a nation, so the internal life has had effects beyond its frontiers. For this reason our political attitude sought to correlate our actions in the international sphere with the supreme needs of our own country.
We are actors in a new era in which we can have no truck with the mentality of the past. Spain's way of thinking cannot go back to the nineteenth century, accursed by so many false conceptions. It is necessary for Spaniards to abandon the old liberal prejudices and take a survey of Europe in order to analyze contemporary history.
We do not belong to a world of our own, as distinct from Europe, even though we have our own characteristics and spiritual reserves.
All contemporary events show us we are witnessing the end of one era and the beginnings of another; that the liberal world is going down a victim to its own errors, and with it are disappearing commercial imperialism, financial capitalism and mass unemployment. The happiness promised by the French revolution became nothing but barter business, competition, low wages and mass insecurity.
Wealth did not go hand in hand with equitable distribution. The important part of humanity was prey to misery. Freedom is impossible as long as bondage and want exist. Cleverly exploited Marxist slogans caught on with the masses because they deceitfully promised a change in the justice of the pressing situation.
The liberal world, in giving adult suffrage, made them conscious of their own strength. Then the revolutionary process, accelerated by various crises, started. During the last war Russian demobilization led to a situation in which communism seized power and established a barbarian dictatorship of the proletariat. A similar phenomenon manifested itself in Italy after the war, but Mussolini's genius instilled all just and human elements interested in the Italian revolution into the Fascistis' aims.
Mussolini welded the two elements closely and united his own heart into the synthesis of the fascist revolution-a social urge and a national idea. Later, Germany found a new solution for the popular yearnings in national socialism, which unites the national and social idea for the second time in Europe with the special peculiarities of race thirsting for international justice.
Those are not isolated movements, but rather aspects of one and the same general movement and mass rebellion throughout the world. On the face, a new useful consciousness emerged, which reacts against the hypocrisy and inefficiency of the old systems.
Youth marched conscious of its historic responsibility toward a goal sensed but not clearly defined. The goal then was defined by current events and by the leaders. These facts should explain to many people why so many Spaniards welcomed the republic with naive emotion. [At this point there was an indistinct passage, referring to century-old unrest in Spain filled with indignation against "the unjust order."] The greater the hopes, the greater the disillusionment. Anger, indignation and revulsion grew against the vile outfit. [There was another indistinct passage here.]
When the Russian Comintern was about to make the country prey of communism, it was a national movement that saved it and gave hopes for the revolution, its channel and direction. Collaboration-organized youth of Spain was a new facet of the general movement of European youth, which twenty-five years ago launched forth in open rebellion against the old, decayed and senile selfishness. Liberalism succumbed to its impetus. Empty slogans and vacillations were swept overboard and the task attacked in a revolutionary manner.
In our opinion, this maturing youthful enthusiasm still represents the strongest and most positive social factor. There not only was a fusion with our national and social ideals, but also with our catholic soul, our country's raison d'etre, our history and our greatness. The Spanish solution was a union between national and social forces with supremacy of spiritual forces. On those true, unassailable principles our whole political work was based and will appear greater as time passes.
What the masses of the people in England think is not different from what the German masses think, nor do the dissatisfied people of Old Europe think differently from the disinherited in New America. Liberal propaganda may distort these facts and hide the truth for a time, but in the end truth will prevail.
The moment of disillusionment is not far distant. When the war ends and demobilization begins the moment will arrive to settle accounts and to fulfill promises.
Then, whatever projects there may exist now, the historic destiny of our era will be settled, either according to the barbarous formula of bolshevist totalitarianism, or according to the spiritual, patriotic formula Spain offers us, or according to any other formula of the fascist nations.
Neither the feelings of the most numerous social classes, nor the exigencies of the post-war economy, nor the grave problems facing nations, will allow any other path.
Those are mistaken who dream of the establishment of democratic liberal systems in Western Europe, bordering on Russian communism. Those err who speculate on liberal peace agreements or a bourgeois solution.
The world is marching on other roads. And the sentiments by which it is animated are so strong and just that, be it victory or defeat, they will overrun whatever may try to stop them.
The problem is not to permit that brute force of the torrent to destroy everything in its way, but rather to canalize and harness it, so that it becomes the fertilizing element of the new era.
For this reason, because we know that ours is the truth, and because we have labored for it for six years, we look upon events with serenity.
In these days our generations are not merely faced with territorial and political problems, but also with supreme issues of the existence of our faith, our civilization and our culture, which are now at stake once more. This makes our presence in the international sphere so very important. [An indistinct passage.]
Even without commands our destiny in the world implies such contentions are too empty to be taken into account. Neither the highest cause of all, God, a cause never better served than under our regime, nor the interests of the country, never as well defended as in our days, nor the general welfare of our nation, embodied in our restored economy, reborn industries and flourishing fields, are safe from our enemies. What price, in the face of these truths, those remnants of the old minority groups that still clutch their old ideas?
Is it permissible to indulge in differences and divergencies when the fate of the country is at stake? What interests us is how to reach our aim. We cannot make any truce while we are on the way. We are ready then to install-if Spain's interests demand-the traditional system that reigned through our history, under the condition that everything appertaining to the realization and lasting character of our national revolution is safeguarded.
Certain people wished to be in our ranks in order to create among us a controlling body or a new minority group. That could not be permitted. The phase that begins now is that of unity and perfection in work, and of preparing ourselves for the great moment that the world offers us.
We have called you together to carry our work to completion. It is heralded by continuous triumphs of our State, magnificent work of our youth organizations, silent productive labor of our feminine section, and pious endeavors of our social institutions. But our country demands more from us. The essential task lies before the new national council. It may well be that life will become more difficult. Our paths are strewn with thorns, but there can be no flagging in pursuit of our ideals.
It is not enough to set our goal. It must be pursued with constancy and sacrifice. Fortitude, as well as good-will, is needed. When we have all this, the triumph will be complete, because we shall feel strong and secure. We have the strength of our truth, backed by the reality of our power. We promise a hard life, but a Spanish life worthy of our country and its destiny.
We do not work for ephemeral ends, but for a resplendent tomorrow. Our army has in it the flower of youth. Divine assistance clearly has shown itself to us. With it, nothing and nobody shall vanquish us. If we fought hard on our crusade, we would fight even harder if the new danger of new war should threaten us. We know that with us is life, without us, death.
-
paul philippou
- Member
- Posts: 62
- Joined: 10 Jan 2006, 13:34
- Location: scotland - perth
I also found this post-civil war speech:
GENERALISSIMO FRANCISCO FRANCO'S SPEECH TO FALANGIST PARTY COUNCIL PRAISING GERMAN, ITALIAN, AND SPANISH FASCISM
Madrid, December 8, 1942
New York Times, December 9, 1942.
I want my first words inaugurating the task of this third national council of the Falange to be clear regarding the statement of our political faith.
For three years of war and for three years of what we wrongly called peace we have had to struggle on in concerted endeavor. No one will be astonished if now, when this phase may be considered overcome, we throw off whatever and whoever would like to deflect us from marching toward fulfillment of our movement.
On this depends the destiny of Spain and the preservation of her eternal values, the suppression of which would imply slavery and chaos. On this path we must be intransigent in exacting sacrifices from all for the benefit of our national unity-a guarantee of Spain's future.
The people might not be with Spain, but what is inadmissible is that any one should be against Spain. The foundations of our policy were laid in the beginnings of our movement, when our youth prepared itself for fight and engendered a spirit of our crusade that they derived from our soundest traditions of spiritual values and merged them with the social yearnings of our times. [There was an indistinct sentence at this point.]
We are living through historical moments that have so complicated a nature that, just as external events produce reaction in the internal life of a nation, so the internal life has had effects beyond its frontiers. For this reason our political attitude sought to correlate our actions in the international sphere with the supreme needs of our own country.
We are actors in a new era in which we can have no truck with the mentality of the past. Spain's way of thinking cannot go back to the nineteenth century, accursed by so many false conceptions. It is necessary for Spaniards to abandon the old liberal prejudices and take a survey of Europe in order to analyze contemporary history.
We do not belong to a world of our own, as distinct from Europe, even though we have our own characteristics and spiritual reserves.
All contemporary events show us we are witnessing the end of one era and the beginnings of another; that the liberal world is going down a victim to its own errors, and with it are disappearing commercial imperialism, financial capitalism and mass unemployment. The happiness promised by the French revolution became nothing but barter business, competition, low wages and mass insecurity.
Wealth did not go hand in hand with equitable distribution. The important part of humanity was prey to misery. Freedom is impossible as long as bondage and want exist. Cleverly exploited Marxist slogans caught on with the masses because they deceitfully promised a change in the justice of the pressing situation.
The liberal world, in giving adult suffrage, made them conscious of their own strength. Then the revolutionary process, accelerated by various crises, started. During the last war Russian demobilization led to a situation in which communism seized power and established a barbarian dictatorship of the proletariat. A similar phenomenon manifested itself in Italy after the war, but Mussolini's genius instilled all just and human elements interested in the Italian revolution into the Fascistis' aims.
Mussolini welded the two elements closely and united his own heart into the synthesis of the fascist revolution-a social urge and a national idea. Later, Germany found a new solution for the popular yearnings in national socialism, which unites the national and social idea for the second time in Europe with the special peculiarities of race thirsting for international justice.
Those are not isolated movements, but rather aspects of one and the same general movement and mass rebellion throughout the world. On the face, a new useful consciousness emerged, which reacts against the hypocrisy and inefficiency of the old systems.
Youth marched conscious of its historic responsibility toward a goal sensed but not clearly defined. The goal then was defined by current events and by the leaders. These facts should explain to many people why so many Spaniards welcomed the republic with naive emotion. [At this point there was an indistinct passage, referring to century-old unrest in Spain filled with indignation against "the unjust order."] The greater the hopes, the greater the disillusionment. Anger, indignation and revulsion grew against the vile outfit. [There was another indistinct passage here.]
When the Russian Comintern was about to make the country prey of communism, it was a national movement that saved it and gave hopes for the revolution, its channel and direction. Collaboration-organized youth of Spain was a new facet of the general movement of European youth, which twenty-five years ago launched forth in open rebellion against the old, decayed and senile selfishness. Liberalism succumbed to its impetus. Empty slogans and vacillations were swept overboard and the task attacked in a revolutionary manner.
In our opinion, this maturing youthful enthusiasm still represents the strongest and most positive social factor. There not only was a fusion with our national and social ideals, but also with our catholic soul, our country's raison d'etre, our history and our greatness. The Spanish solution was a union between national and social forces with supremacy of spiritual forces. On those true, unassailable principles our whole political work was based and will appear greater as time passes.
What the masses of the people in England think is not different from what the German masses think, nor do the dissatisfied people of Old Europe think differently from the disinherited in New America. Liberal propaganda may distort these facts and hide the truth for a time, but in the end truth will prevail.
The moment of disillusionment is not far distant. When the war ends and demobilization begins the moment will arrive to settle accounts and to fulfill promises.
Then, whatever projects there may exist now, the historic destiny of our era will be settled, either according to the barbarous formula of bolshevist totalitarianism, or according to the spiritual, patriotic formula Spain offers us, or according to any other formula of the fascist nations.
Neither the feelings of the most numerous social classes, nor the exigencies of the post-war economy, nor the grave problems facing nations, will allow any other path.
Those are mistaken who dream of the establishment of democratic liberal systems in Western Europe, bordering on Russian communism. Those err who speculate on liberal peace agreements or a bourgeois solution.
The world is marching on other roads. And the sentiments by which it is animated are so strong and just that, be it victory or defeat, they will overrun whatever may try to stop them.
The problem is not to permit that brute force of the torrent to destroy everything in its way, but rather to canalize and harness it, so that it becomes the fertilizing element of the new era.
For this reason, because we know that ours is the truth, and because we have labored for it for six years, we look upon events with serenity.
In these days our generations are not merely faced with territorial and political problems, but also with supreme issues of the existence of our faith, our civilization and our culture, which are now at stake once more. This makes our presence in the international sphere so very important. [An indistinct passage.]
Even without commands our destiny in the world implies such contentions are too empty to be taken into account. Neither the highest cause of all, God, a cause never better served than under our regime, nor the interests of the country, never as well defended as in our days, nor the general welfare of our nation, embodied in our restored economy, reborn industries and flourishing fields, are safe from our enemies. What price, in the face of these truths, those remnants of the old minority groups that still clutch their old ideas?
Is it permissible to indulge in differences and divergencies when the fate of the country is at stake? What interests us is how to reach our aim. We cannot make any truce while we are on the way. We are ready then to install-if Spain's interests demand-the traditional system that reigned through our history, under the condition that everything appertaining to the realization and lasting character of our national revolution is safeguarded.
Certain people wished to be in our ranks in order to create among us a controlling body or a new minority group. That could not be permitted. The phase that begins now is that of unity and perfection in work, and of preparing ourselves for the great moment that the world offers us.
We have called you together to carry our work to completion. It is heralded by continuous triumphs of our State, magnificent work of our youth organizations, silent productive labor of our feminine section, and pious endeavors of our social institutions. But our country demands more from us. The essential task lies before the new national council. It may well be that life will become more difficult. Our paths are strewn with thorns, but there can be no flagging in pursuit of our ideals.
It is not enough to set our goal. It must be pursued with constancy and sacrifice. Fortitude, as well as good-will, is needed. When we have all this, the triumph will be complete, because we shall feel strong and secure. We have the strength of our truth, backed by the reality of our power. We promise a hard life, but a Spanish life worthy of our country and its destiny.
We do not work for ephemeral ends, but for a resplendent tomorrow. Our army has in it the flower of youth. Divine assistance clearly has shown itself to us. With it, nothing and nobody shall vanquish us. If we fought hard on our crusade, we would fight even harder if the new danger of new war should threaten us. We know that with us is life, without us, death.
GENERALISSIMO FRANCISCO FRANCO'S SPEECH TO FALANGIST PARTY COUNCIL PRAISING GERMAN, ITALIAN, AND SPANISH FASCISM
Madrid, December 8, 1942
New York Times, December 9, 1942.
I want my first words inaugurating the task of this third national council of the Falange to be clear regarding the statement of our political faith.
For three years of war and for three years of what we wrongly called peace we have had to struggle on in concerted endeavor. No one will be astonished if now, when this phase may be considered overcome, we throw off whatever and whoever would like to deflect us from marching toward fulfillment of our movement.
On this depends the destiny of Spain and the preservation of her eternal values, the suppression of which would imply slavery and chaos. On this path we must be intransigent in exacting sacrifices from all for the benefit of our national unity-a guarantee of Spain's future.
The people might not be with Spain, but what is inadmissible is that any one should be against Spain. The foundations of our policy were laid in the beginnings of our movement, when our youth prepared itself for fight and engendered a spirit of our crusade that they derived from our soundest traditions of spiritual values and merged them with the social yearnings of our times. [There was an indistinct sentence at this point.]
We are living through historical moments that have so complicated a nature that, just as external events produce reaction in the internal life of a nation, so the internal life has had effects beyond its frontiers. For this reason our political attitude sought to correlate our actions in the international sphere with the supreme needs of our own country.
We are actors in a new era in which we can have no truck with the mentality of the past. Spain's way of thinking cannot go back to the nineteenth century, accursed by so many false conceptions. It is necessary for Spaniards to abandon the old liberal prejudices and take a survey of Europe in order to analyze contemporary history.
We do not belong to a world of our own, as distinct from Europe, even though we have our own characteristics and spiritual reserves.
All contemporary events show us we are witnessing the end of one era and the beginnings of another; that the liberal world is going down a victim to its own errors, and with it are disappearing commercial imperialism, financial capitalism and mass unemployment. The happiness promised by the French revolution became nothing but barter business, competition, low wages and mass insecurity.
Wealth did not go hand in hand with equitable distribution. The important part of humanity was prey to misery. Freedom is impossible as long as bondage and want exist. Cleverly exploited Marxist slogans caught on with the masses because they deceitfully promised a change in the justice of the pressing situation.
The liberal world, in giving adult suffrage, made them conscious of their own strength. Then the revolutionary process, accelerated by various crises, started. During the last war Russian demobilization led to a situation in which communism seized power and established a barbarian dictatorship of the proletariat. A similar phenomenon manifested itself in Italy after the war, but Mussolini's genius instilled all just and human elements interested in the Italian revolution into the Fascistis' aims.
Mussolini welded the two elements closely and united his own heart into the synthesis of the fascist revolution-a social urge and a national idea. Later, Germany found a new solution for the popular yearnings in national socialism, which unites the national and social idea for the second time in Europe with the special peculiarities of race thirsting for international justice.
Those are not isolated movements, but rather aspects of one and the same general movement and mass rebellion throughout the world. On the face, a new useful consciousness emerged, which reacts against the hypocrisy and inefficiency of the old systems.
Youth marched conscious of its historic responsibility toward a goal sensed but not clearly defined. The goal then was defined by current events and by the leaders. These facts should explain to many people why so many Spaniards welcomed the republic with naive emotion. [At this point there was an indistinct passage, referring to century-old unrest in Spain filled with indignation against "the unjust order."] The greater the hopes, the greater the disillusionment. Anger, indignation and revulsion grew against the vile outfit. [There was another indistinct passage here.]
When the Russian Comintern was about to make the country prey of communism, it was a national movement that saved it and gave hopes for the revolution, its channel and direction. Collaboration-organized youth of Spain was a new facet of the general movement of European youth, which twenty-five years ago launched forth in open rebellion against the old, decayed and senile selfishness. Liberalism succumbed to its impetus. Empty slogans and vacillations were swept overboard and the task attacked in a revolutionary manner.
In our opinion, this maturing youthful enthusiasm still represents the strongest and most positive social factor. There not only was a fusion with our national and social ideals, but also with our catholic soul, our country's raison d'etre, our history and our greatness. The Spanish solution was a union between national and social forces with supremacy of spiritual forces. On those true, unassailable principles our whole political work was based and will appear greater as time passes.
What the masses of the people in England think is not different from what the German masses think, nor do the dissatisfied people of Old Europe think differently from the disinherited in New America. Liberal propaganda may distort these facts and hide the truth for a time, but in the end truth will prevail.
The moment of disillusionment is not far distant. When the war ends and demobilization begins the moment will arrive to settle accounts and to fulfill promises.
Then, whatever projects there may exist now, the historic destiny of our era will be settled, either according to the barbarous formula of bolshevist totalitarianism, or according to the spiritual, patriotic formula Spain offers us, or according to any other formula of the fascist nations.
Neither the feelings of the most numerous social classes, nor the exigencies of the post-war economy, nor the grave problems facing nations, will allow any other path.
Those are mistaken who dream of the establishment of democratic liberal systems in Western Europe, bordering on Russian communism. Those err who speculate on liberal peace agreements or a bourgeois solution.
The world is marching on other roads. And the sentiments by which it is animated are so strong and just that, be it victory or defeat, they will overrun whatever may try to stop them.
The problem is not to permit that brute force of the torrent to destroy everything in its way, but rather to canalize and harness it, so that it becomes the fertilizing element of the new era.
For this reason, because we know that ours is the truth, and because we have labored for it for six years, we look upon events with serenity.
In these days our generations are not merely faced with territorial and political problems, but also with supreme issues of the existence of our faith, our civilization and our culture, which are now at stake once more. This makes our presence in the international sphere so very important. [An indistinct passage.]
Even without commands our destiny in the world implies such contentions are too empty to be taken into account. Neither the highest cause of all, God, a cause never better served than under our regime, nor the interests of the country, never as well defended as in our days, nor the general welfare of our nation, embodied in our restored economy, reborn industries and flourishing fields, are safe from our enemies. What price, in the face of these truths, those remnants of the old minority groups that still clutch their old ideas?
Is it permissible to indulge in differences and divergencies when the fate of the country is at stake? What interests us is how to reach our aim. We cannot make any truce while we are on the way. We are ready then to install-if Spain's interests demand-the traditional system that reigned through our history, under the condition that everything appertaining to the realization and lasting character of our national revolution is safeguarded.
Certain people wished to be in our ranks in order to create among us a controlling body or a new minority group. That could not be permitted. The phase that begins now is that of unity and perfection in work, and of preparing ourselves for the great moment that the world offers us.
We have called you together to carry our work to completion. It is heralded by continuous triumphs of our State, magnificent work of our youth organizations, silent productive labor of our feminine section, and pious endeavors of our social institutions. But our country demands more from us. The essential task lies before the new national council. It may well be that life will become more difficult. Our paths are strewn with thorns, but there can be no flagging in pursuit of our ideals.
It is not enough to set our goal. It must be pursued with constancy and sacrifice. Fortitude, as well as good-will, is needed. When we have all this, the triumph will be complete, because we shall feel strong and secure. We have the strength of our truth, backed by the reality of our power. We promise a hard life, but a Spanish life worthy of our country and its destiny.
We do not work for ephemeral ends, but for a resplendent tomorrow. Our army has in it the flower of youth. Divine assistance clearly has shown itself to us. With it, nothing and nobody shall vanquish us. If we fought hard on our crusade, we would fight even harder if the new danger of new war should threaten us. We know that with us is life, without us, death.
Here is another one of 1971 to the crowds in the Plaza de Oriente.
http://youtube.com/watch?v=cHex-TF0c8Y
It ends saying: ARRIBA ESPAÑA!!!!
http://youtube.com/watch?v=cHex-TF0c8Y
It ends saying: ARRIBA ESPAÑA!!!!
-
mastropiero1
- New member
- Posts: 1
- Joined: 14 Mar 2007, 15:48
- Location: Ireland
Attempt at translation
''X'' wrote:Here is a farewall Speech of Franco to the cadets of the military academy.Franco was dissapointed with the goverments decision to close the academy and it was his first clash with the republic
It would be great if a Spaniard could translate some parts,the most important ones.
http://www.generalisimofranco.com/discurso12.htm
I came across this site, and since I am a Spaniard, I thought I would lend a hand
. I am not a professional translator, though, and the speech is horribly long-winded, so I apologise for any weird expressions. Anyway, here goes an approximate version:Gentlemen cadets: I would like to celebrate this farewell ceremony with the solemnity of previous years, when we displayed our flag for the last time, and you kissed its rich colours while the national hymn played, with a thrill of emotion running through your bodies, and your eyes clouded as you remembered the glories embodied in it. But the lack of an official flag reduces our party to these emotional moments in which, in receiving our farewell, you shall receive my last advice as a lesson of military morals.
Three years has the General Military Academy been in existence, and its splendorous sun approaches its twilight. Years when we have lived by your side, educating and instructing you, and attempting to create for Spain the most competent and virtuous officer staff any nation ever attained.
Innermost satisfaction we gathered in our thorny path when the most qualified foreign technicians lavished warm praise on our work, studying and applauding our systems and holding us up as a model among the modern institutions of military training. Innermost satisfaction we offer up to Spain, proud of our work and persuaded of its best fruits.
We studied our Army, its vices and virtues, and by correcting the former, we have increased the latter, while we marked a true evolution in procedures and systems. Thus we saw rigid and archaic texbooks perish before the drive of a modern teaching staff, conscious of their mission and opposed to such spurious interests.
Pranks, an old vice in Academies and barracks, were unknown thanks to your understanding and noble manhood.
Venereal disease, which once gripped and degenerated our youth, did not appear in this body, due to vigilant action and adequate prophylaxis.
Physical instruction and daily exercise on the field prepared you for military action, giving your bodies an athletic appearance and banishing the squalid officer from the military regiments. Entry examinations, automatic and anonymous, formerly a field for intrigue and influences, were not corrupted by recommendations and favours, and today you may be proud of your progress, without being embarrassed by the former old and outdated procedures.
A deep revolution in military instruction, which had to be crowned by the intrigues and passion of those who found profit in the maintenance of such pernicious systems.
Our Cadet's Decalogue contained the purest and choicest of our wise regulations, in order to offer it to you as an indispensable creed to set your life alight, and in these days when gentlemanliness and virility are constantly eclypsed, we have endeavoured to affirm our gentlemen's faith, by maintaining an elevated spirituality among you.
Thus, at this time, when reforms and new military ways close this centre's doors, we must rise and pull ourselves together, silencing our inner pain for the disappearance of our work, selflessly thinking: the machine is undone, the work remains; you are our work, the 720 officers who will tomorrow be in contact with the soldier, who will look after and direct them, who, constituting a great nucleus of the professional Army, must undoubtedly be champions of loyalty, gentlemanliness, discipline, fulfilment of duty and spirit of sacrifice for the Fatherland, all inherent qualities to the true soldier, prominent among which is discipline, that high indispensable virtue in the life of armies, and which you are obliged to treasure as the most valuable of your possessions.
Discipline! ... never well defined and understood. Discipline! .. which does not deserve merit when command is bearable and agreeable. Discipline! which acquires its true value when thought advises the opposite of what we are commanded, when the heart struggles to rise in rebellion, or when arbitrariness or error come to join the actions of command. This is the discipline we instill in you, this is the discipline we practise. This is the example we offer.
Always elevate our thoughts to the Fatherland, and sacrifice everything for it; if the common citizen has free will, not so those who receive the sacred trust of the nation's arms, and in its service must they sacrifice all their actions.
I wish that this comraderie born during these first years of military life, spent together, remains over the years, and that our love for adopted arms shall always have as its guide the Fatherland's welfare and the regard and mutual affection among the Army's comrades. For, if in war you must need each other, it is indispensable that in peace you shall have learnt to understand and appreciate each other. Comradeship that implies succour to a comrade in distress, joy for his progress, applause for he who excels, and also energy towards the straying or lost, for your generous feelings must have as a limit the high notion of honour, and thus you will prevent that those who one day or another committed an offence, taking advantage of benevolence, which is their comrades' complicity, if by chance promoted, may become in the Army a pernicious example of immorality and injustice.
A notion of honour which is not exclusive of one Regiment, Arms or Corps; which is the Army's patrimony, and conforms to the traditional rules of gentlemanliness and virility, gravely sinning whoever believes to be safeguarding his corps' reputation by thrusting onto another what did not do for his own.
An ailment which, because frequent, I must not gloss over, for we no longer have tomorrow to give you advice.
I cannot tell you, as before, that here you leave your home, for today it disappears; but I can assure you that, scattered throughout Spain, you carry it in your hearts, and that in your future action we place our hopes and dreams; that, when the years go by and snow covers your temples, and your professional competence makes you masters, you must appreciate the greatness and elevation of our situation: then, your remembrance and sober judgment must be our most valued recompense.
Let us feel today, as we bid you goodbye, the satisfaction of fulfilled duty, and let us join together our feelings and wishes for the greatness of the Fatherland, shouting together, Hail Spain!