The commandant of the Security Police and of the SD for the Radom district. [Der Kommandeur der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD fuer den Distrikt Radom].
Radom. 24 February 1944
IV A No. 28/43
11 copies. 3rd copy
Branch Office [Aussendienststelle] Tschenstochau for the attention of SS-Capt. Dette or his deputy.
Branch Office [Aussendienststelle] Kielce for the attention of SS-Capt. Essig or his deputy. Branch Office. [Aussendienststelle] Tomaschow for the attention of SS-Capt. Thiel or his deputy.
Branch Office [Aussendienststelle] Petrikau for the attention of SS-Capt. Altmann or his deputy. Branch Office [Aussendienststelle] Ostrowiec for the attention of SS-1st Lt. Kurth or his deputy. Branch Office [Aussendienststelle] Jedrzejow for the attention of SS-2nd Lt. Berhalter or his deputy.
Branch Office [Aussendienststelle] Konskie for the attention of SS-2nd Lt. Weiss or his deputy. Branch Office [Aussendienststelle] Busko for the attention of SS-2nd Lt. Fischer or his deputy. Branch Office [Aussendienststelle] Starachowice for the attention of SS-2nd Lt. Becker or his deputy.
Branch Office [Aussendienststelle] Radomsko for the attention of SS-1st Lt. Prehn or his deputy. Section V in this building for the attention of SS-Capt. Boeck or his deputy.
Previous Correspondence: None
In view of the variety of methods used to date in intensified interrogations and in order to avoid excesses, also to protect officials against eventual criminal proceedings, the commander of the Security Police and of the SD in Cracow has issued the following order for the Security Police in the General Gouvernement, which is based on the regulations in force for the Reich:
a. Should it become necessary to submit Reich Germans or members of German minorities in other countries [Volksdeutsche] or nationals of friendly or neutral states to intensified interrogation, the instructions issued by the Chief of the Security Police and SDB. No. IV226/42 -- Top Secret -- dated 12 June 42 are to be followed.
All cases, but especially those requiring the permission of the Chief of the Security Police and SD, are to be reported to me immediately.
Foreign police officials are not to take part in intensified interrogations of Reich Germans or racial Germans [Volksdeutsche] or of nationals of friendly or neutral states.
b. The following procedure is to be adopted as far as the rest of the foreign population of the General Gouvernement and nationals of the Soviet Union are concerned:
Intensified methods of interrogation may only be applied if the prisoner refuses to divulge information he possesses about important matters inimical to the State or to the Reich, connections, major crimes, whether already carried out or planned, (e.g. murder, robberies also the whereabouts of booty, etc.) which cannot be ascertained or cleared up by normal methods of investigation, or if he is strongly suspected of having such knowledge. A further constant pre-requisite is, that all usual methods of interrogation should have met with no success. They may not be applied to persons who have been handed over temporarily by the judicial authorities for further inquiries to be made. Exceptions to this rule require my special previous permission.
According to circumstances the intensifications may, among other things, consist of:
Very simple diet (bread and water), hard bed, dark cell, deprivation of sleep, exhausting exercises, also in beatings on the buttocks (with a stick).
No intensified method of interrogation may be used unless permission has been granted.
Two officials at least must be present at beatings.
Beatings of foreign prisoners in connection with ordinary (Criminal) police matters may only be carried out by foreign police officials.
The nature and extent of an intensified interrogation may not be exceeded.
Should a prisoner on whom intensified methods have been used, be brought before the judge, the Attorney-General concerned must at the same time be informed by Top Secret letter that for briefly stated reasons the prisoner has been subjected to intensified interrogation, the manner of which should be described. In the proceeding itself, or in fact in all proceedings, there must be no mention of the intensified interrogation. In cases, where I have not reserved to myself the right to grant permission for intensified interrogations I delegate decisions about the method and extent of these interrogations to the Leader of Section IV and V and to the Leaders of the Branch Offices [Aussendienststelle]. Permission must be given in writing before intensified method are used.
c. In exceptional cases, particularly on missions carried out away from the station, the senior official in charge may be empowered before the start of the mission to carry out an intensified interrogation away from the station. A report on this must be made immediately after return to the station.
Permits will be collected centrally at Section IV in Radom and kept for three years.
Both applications and permits to carry out intensified interrogations will be handled as Top Secret maters.
In all cases where I have granted permission to carry out intensified interrogations, the result is to be reported to me.
The leaders of the Sections resp. of the Branch Offices (Aussendienststellen) are personally responsible for the strict compliance with these instructions; they must see to it that the officials concerned are instructed accordingly, attention being paid to the duty of maintaining absolute secrecy about thee instructions and the individual cases.
Infringements of this order will be punished by legal and disciplinary action.
L IV File No. 6/44 top Secret.
Tomaschow, 28 February 1944
1. Noted WIE(SE)
2. All male officials of the station to be informed at the next conference. (Done, 29 Feb. 44).
3. To be filed with the Top Secret documents in the IV L steel safe.
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President of the High District Court and Chief Public Prosecutor Kattowitz
3 December 1941
Nikolai Str. 1, Entrance Wilhemsplatz Tel.: 34608 and 34610
VS 4 E-1.51
File nr. 229 [illegible notations]
To the Reich Minister of Justice,
Attention: Chief Councillor to the Government Stadermann or Representative in Office. Berlin
Re: Executions by the Police and Expediting of Penal Procedure Without Order.
Inclosure: 1 copy of report
About 3 weeks ago 6 chief agents (partially German) were hanged by the police in connection with the destruction of a treasonable organization of 350 members in Tarnowitz without notification of the ministry of justice. Such execution of criminal agents in the Bielitz district have already been made before also without the knowledge of the proper authority for criminal persecution. On 2 December 1941 the head of the state police at Kattowitz, chief councillor to the government Mildner, reported orally to the undersigned that he had ordered as necessary immediate action, with authority from the Reich-leader of the SS these executions by public hanging at the place of the crime; and that deterring measures would .also have to be continued in the future until the criminal and actively anti-German powers' in the occupied Eastern territories have been destroyed, or until other immediate actions, perhaps also by the courts, would guarantee equal frightening effect. Accordingly, 6 leaders of another Polish organization guilty of high treason in the district in and around Sosnowitz were to be hanged publicly today as an example.
About this procedure the undersigned expressed considerable doubts.
Besides the fact that such measures have been withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the ordinary courts and are contradictory to the laws not put out of effect, a justified emergency for the exceptional proceedings by the police alone cannot, in our opinion, be lawfully recognized.
The penal justice in our district within the limits of our jurisdiction is quite capable of fulfilling its duty of immediate penal retribution by means of a special form of special judicial activity (establishment of a so-called rapid special court). Indictment and proceeding could be speeded up in such a way that between turning the case over to the public prosecutor and execution no more than 3 days would elapse if the practice of pardoning is simplified and if the decision, if necessary, can be obtained by long distance call. This was expressed yesterday to the head of the state police at Kattowitz by the undersigned.
We cannot believe that execution by the police of criminals, especially German criminals, can be considered more effective through shattering the sense of justice of many German countrymen. In the long run they might, in spite of public terrorizing, lead even more to further brutality of minds, which is contrary to the intended purpose of pacifying. These deliberations, however, do not apply to future lawful competence of a drumhead court-martial for Poles and Jews.
According to a recent report of the head of the Kattowitz state police to the district leader [Gauleiter] Bracht, the cases of 540 persons accused of high treason from the Kattowitz district have already been forwarded in December 1940 by the police to the board of arraignment of the people's court in Berlin without any sentences having been passed there as yet. This situation, which became known in the various branches of interested party circles and administration departments, injures the reputation of justice in general as well as the concept of the effectiveness of justice in the occupied Eastern territories especially because, with the exception of the court, the exclusive competence of the people's court for the sentencing of matters of high treason is not sufficiently known.
We are not informed as to how far the described situation of non-settlement is true.
As far as the proceedings of treasonable cases by the chief Reich prosecutor at the people's court in Berlin are concerned which were forwarded for prosecution to the co-undersigned public prosecutor (proceedings per par. 5 section 2 of the law about the competence of criminal courts dated 21 Feb. 40 RGBl I, p. 405in connection with the AV of Reich justice ministry dated 7 June 45 German law, page 683) we should like to point out the following:
From July 1941 until today, the cases of 235 accused were forwarded by the chief Reich prosecutor; 122 of the accused have already been sentenced, indicted, or proceedings were suspended or transferred.
The co-undersigned president of the supreme country court has taken steps to expedite prosecution further by personally supplementing the criminal court for high treason. If it should become necessary in the future, a second court could be appointed for the prosecution of matters of high treason by putting aside less important work. All organizations charged with prosecuting and sentencing of high treason and also with other severe crimes have been impressed by the undersigned that a speedy treatment is essential for war and nation.
With these organizational measures intended and already partially introduced by us of creating a "Rapid Special Court" which should also be technically equipped with everything necessary, and with the likely establishment at anytime of a second court for matters of high treason in Kattowitz, the executions by the police still remain necessary as immediate actions against traitors, according to the chief councillor to the government Mildner, for the anti-German treasonal activity is supposed to have increased to such an extent that comparisons with the
situation in 1917 and 1918 are already permissible, and that the criminals draw courage and power from the drawn-out legal trials of the traitors; The situation in the Kattowitz district is supposed to be especially difficult because there are 1.5 million Poles, 150000 Czechs, and 7000 Jews among the 3 million population whose anti-German attitude is being joined in a remarkable way by more and more Germans in the last months. A further worsening of the situation is to be counted on if the war should last longer; for the Poles are said to be fanatically convinced of the victory of the Western countries and of a resurrection of their country, and, without inhibition, risk everything which does not seem to be punishable by death. The terrorist activity of the last few months does not appear to leave the Reich Germans in the Eastern occupied districts unimperilled. The slightest military set-back could result in immediate danger due to the growing and immediate terrorist readiness of the anti-German organizations. These are the reasons why the head of the state police considers as necessary immediate measures also in the field of high treason. If such steps could be taken by judicial means, this would seem also to him the best solution since the state police is already overburdened and suffering from considerable personnel shortage.
After this discourse we cannot help but have the impression that the situation, especially with respect to high treason (terrorist) activity has grown serious since the spring of 1941 and that special measures have to be taken to subdue same effectively.
We pointed out to the head of the state police our insufficient competence in this field, but have informed him that we would report this matter to the Reich minister of justice.
In view of the great judicial importance of the mentioned problems for the district of the Kattowitz high county court, we deem an early personal discussion at Kattowitz necessary, and that the chief councillor to the government Mildner and perhaps a representative of the people's court and of the chief Reich prosecutor at the people's court should be taken into consultation.
(signed) Dr. Heimer
[illegible notes showing that the conference had taken place]
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Translation of Document Koerner 67, Koerner Defense Exhibit 230.
[As defense noted, this document was introduced as Document NI-4310, Prosecution Exhibit 76, in the Flick trial (Vol. VI, this series.).]
Decree Concerning the Introduction of Compulsory Labor Service of the Polish Population of the Government General of 26 October 1939
On the basis of paragraph 5, part 1 of the decree issued by the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor on 12 October 1939, and dealing with the administration of the occupied Polish territories I herewith order:
(1) All Poles residing in the Government General between the ages of 18 and 60 are subject to public labor service, which decree is taking immediate effect.
(2) For Jews special decree will be issued.
Person in the position to prove a permanent occupation of public interests are not to be drafted for the compulsory labor service.
The public compulsory labor service comprises particularly work in agricultural enterprises, construction and maintenance of public buildings, construction of roads, waterways and railways, regulation of rivers and works contributing to public culture.
(1) The workers will be paid according to wage scales considered just.
(2) The care of the workers and their families is to be assured within the frame of possibilities.
The Chief of the Labor Branch of the office of the Government General will issue the regulations necessary for the execution of this decree.
Warsaw, 26 October 1939
The Governor General for the Occupied Polish Territories.
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Translation of Document NG-1203, Prosecution Exhibit 2601.
To Rk. 28618 B
17 November 1939.
1. Note: In order to make sure of agricultural production, the Plenipotentiary for the Four Year Plan and Chairman of the Ministerial Council for the Defense of the Reich, in accordance with the attached decree, [The decree mentioned was not a part of the document introduced in evidence.] has urged that measures be taken already now for the proper tilling and harvest of next year's production. The decree concerns itself in particular with the securing of needed labor, and of horse teams, and with the fight against animal epidemics. The heads of county administration [Landraete] are to decide on the amount of labor needed, in cooperation with the labor office and the military district commands. The OKW is requested to examine whether Agricultural Officers should be assigned to the district replacement offices for this work, as in WWI. The prisoners of war must be used. The Reich Labor Minister is requested to send into agricultural work the greatest number of Polish civilian workers, especially Polish girls. The Minister of Economics is to take care of wage transfer for other foreign workers. The Labor Minister is to secure temporary help in agriculture from women and girls living in country communities. The heads of county administration should arrange now already for the employment of Armed Forces and Hitler Youth components, etc., during peak periods next spring and for the hoe culture harvest.
Exchanging of horses should ensure an equal distribution of horse teams for agricultural production. The Armed Forces is instructed to occasionally help out with horses. Veterinaries, inducted into the Veterinary Officer Corps, should be released for the purpose of combatting animal epidemics.
2. To the Reich Minister obediently submitted with the request to take official notice.
[Initial] L [Lammers]
20 November 1940.
3. To Reich Cabinet Councillor Dr. Killy--With the request to take official notice. [Initial] L [Lammers] 20 November 1939.
4. To the files. [Illegible initials]
[Initials] KR [Kritzinger] 18 November 1940.
[Initial] W [Willhuhn] 17 November 1940.
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Partial Translation of Document NG-1162, Prosecution Exhibit 581 [By inadvertence this document was also offered in evidence as Prosecution Exhibit 2522 during the presentation of documents concerning the defendant Darre.].
[Extracts from the record of several other meetings of the General Council of the Four Year Plan are reproduced later in this section.]
Reich Chancellery [RK] 30855B
21 December 1939
[Handwritten], Records referring to Reich Chancellery 705B Top Secret.
[Initials] KR [Kritzinger]
[Initial] W [Willuhn]
To the files
22 December 1939.
St. M. Dev. 11759, 22 December 1939.
I. Session of the General Council on 20 December 1939, Chairman State Secretary Koerner.
Present: the State Secretaries: Neumann, Dr. Stuckart, Reinhardt, Dr. Landfried, Backe, Dr. Syrup, Kleinmann, Alpers.
Under State Secretary von Hanneken; The Ministerial Directors: Sommer, Mansfeld; Brigadier General Thomas; Professor Dr. Krauch [Evidence with respect to Carl Krauch's participation in the Four Year Plan is reproduced in the materials on the I.G. Farben case, volume VII and VIII, this series.]; Reich Cabinet Councillor Dr. Willuhn [Dr. Willuhn, an official in the Reich Chancellery, attended meetings of the General Council as Lammers' representative.]; Ministerial Dirigent Marotzke; Senior Government Counselors Baermann, Schroetter.
I. State Secretary Koerner opened the discussion by giving a survey of the development of the war economy up to the present time. He is able to state that for the time being the only difficulties are those arising from the traffic situation, but that endeavors are being made to remove them. He passes on to the decree of the Field Marshal regarding the transfer of the affairs of the Plenipotentiary General for the Economy [GBW]; explains this decree, and states that the machinery of the Four Year Plan will remain small even after taking over some members of the staff of the office of the Plenipotentiary General for the Economy. The machinery will still perform no departmental duties, but its main function will be to examine the incoming material for use in the General Council and for the use of the Field Marshal, to settle differences of opinion, and to ensure a uniform policy. [Goering's Memorandum of 7 December 1939, announcing the extension of the duties of the General Council of the Four Year Plan and the appointment of defendant Koerner as Goering's deputy, is reproduced in volume XII, section VI B, as a part of Document NG-1177, Prosecution Exhibit 461.] In future the General Council will sit every Wednesday at 1600 hours. The next session will be held on Wednesday, 3 January 1940.
III. State Secretary Backe reports on the state of agricultural production.
B. The new crop depends to a very great extent on the availability of means of production.
1. Labor: Although compulsory service measures [Dienstverpflichtungen] are not to be resorted to generally, ways must be found of ensuring that female labor from occupations related to agriculture, and part of the labor which will become available in industry, will be directed into agriculture. In addition, from January 1940 on, one and one half million Poles must roll into the areas of labor shortage, although they will constitute an additional burden on the supply system. It is of special importance for agricultural work that textiles and footwear should be made available.
State Secretary Koerner
State Secretary Neumann
State Secretary Dr. Stuckart
State Secretary Reinhardt
State Secretary Dr. Landfried
State Secretary Backe
State Secretary Dr. Syrup
State Secretary Kleinmann
State Secretary Alpers
Under State Secretary von Hanneken
Ministerial Director Sommer
Ministerial Director Mansfeld
Brigadier General Thomas
Reich Cabinet Councillor Dr. Willuhn
Ministerial Director Dr. Gritzbach
Ministerial Dirigent Marotzke
Ministerial Director Dr. Gramsch.
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Partial Translation of Document NI-7474, Prosecution Exhibit 582.
[Document NI-7474 contained the record of a number of meetings of the General Council of the Four Year Plan. Extracts from the record of the Meeting on 24 June 1941, which took place just after the invasion of the Soviet Union, are reproduced in volume XII, section VI H.]
Fifth meeting of the General Council held on 31 January 1940 under the chairmanship of State Secretary Koerner.
Present: [Illegible initial], 5 February 1940.
State Secretaries: Dr. Landfried, Dr. Syrup, Kleinmann, Alpers; Under State Secretaries: von Hanneken, von Jagwitz Major General Thomas; [Illegible handwriting] The Ministerial Directors: Sommer, Dr. Mansfeld, Dr. Wiehl, Flottmann (on behalf of the Reich Commissioner for Price Administration); Reich Cabinet Councilor: Dr. Willuhn; The Ministerial Dirigents: Marotzke, Danckwerts (on behalf of State Secretary Stuckart); Reich Commissioner for Coal: Reich Office Chief Walter; Ministerial Counselor: Dr. Lorenz (on behalf of State Secretary Backe); Senior Government Counselor: Dr. Schroetter.
1. State Secretary Syrup reported on the situation with regard to the allocation of labor.
b. Agriculture: Up to 20 December 1940 agriculture has registered requirements for 608000 transient workers [Wanderarbeitern] and farmhands. It is planned to fetch 780000 Polish agricultural workers, over 50-60000 of whom are to come from the new Reich Gaue. There are already 57000 Polish agricultural workers in Germany. (Apart from these, 30000 Italians, 25000 Slovaks, and 12000 Hungarians are expected.) The bad transportation conditions are making it more difficult to get the Polish program started. Therefore, the first transports must of necessity be recruited from the cities; this has been started. State Secretary Syrup definitely supposes that by the second half of March 1940 it will be possible to bring in about 600000 Poles. State Secretary Kleinmann confirms that the Reichsbahn is able to cope with this amount of transport.
The wages of the Poles are arranged according to tariff. The Food Estate will see to it that no German workers are released in view of the lower wage rates of the Poles. The possibility of sending foreign workers to the Western territories behind the front, too, has not yet been established. Major General Thomas does, however, presume that the objections of counter-intelligence [Abwehr] may be put aside.
[Signed] Dr. Gramsch.
Koerner: 1 copy
Neumann: 1 copy
Dr. Stuckart: 1 copy
Reinhardt: 1 copy
Dr. Landfried: 1 copy
Backe: 1 copy
Dr. Syrup: 1 copy
Kleinmann: 1 copy
Gauleiter, Oberpraesident: Wagner: 1 copy.
Under State Secretaries: von Hanneken: 1 copy
von Jagwitz 1 copy.
Ministerial Directors: Sommer: 1 copy
Dr. Mansfeld: 1 copy
Dr. Wiehl: 1 copy.
Brigadier General Thomas: 1 copy
Reich Cabinet Councillor, Dr. Willuhn: 1 copy
Professor, Dr. Krauch: 1 copy
Ministerial Director, Dr. Gritzbach: 1 copy
Ministerial Dirigent, Marotzke: 1 copy
Ministerial Director [Illegible, probably Gramsch]: 1 copy.
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Partial Translation of Document NG-1408, Prosecution Exhibit 977 [By inadvertence this document was also offered in evidence as Prosecution Exhibit 2602 during the presentation of documents concerning defendant Lammers.].
W 8, Leipziger Str. 3.
7 March 1940
Minister President Field Marshal Goering, Plenipotentiary for the Four Year Plan.
[Handwritten] German Economy Food situation.
Corresponding to the suggestion made in the Sixth Session of the General Council, there is attached the text of the statements by State Secretary Backe.
Signed: Dr. Gramsch
[Illegible signature], Administrative Secretary.
Minister President, Field Marshal Goering, Plenipotentiary for the Four Year Plan.
[Initial] R [Ritter]
1. To Ambassador Ritter.
2. To the files [Illegible initial] 11 March 1940.
* * *
State Secretaries: Koerner, Neumann, Backe, Dr. Syrup, Kleinmann, Alpers.
Under State Secretary von Jagwitz; Reich Cabinet Councillor Dr. Willuhn; Ministerial Dirigent Dr. Brebeck; Ministerial Counselor Dr. Baermann; Minister Eisenlohr; Professor Dr. Krauch; Lieutenant Colonel Conrath; Ministerial Dirigent Marotzke; Ministerial Director Dr. Gramsch.
Backe, Berlin, 3 February 1940.
To V.P. 4437.
Statements of State Secretary Backe in the General Council on 14 February 1940 [The apparent inconsistency between the date of the meeting "14 February 1940," and the date just above, "3 February 1940," appears to arise from the following sequence of events: On 3 February 1940, Backe dictated the remarks he intended to make at the sixth meeting on 14 February 1940; on 14 February 1940 Backe read his statement to the sixth meeting; on 7 March 1940, the office of the Four Year Plan distributed the text of Backe's remarks at the sixth meeting, taking the text from Backe's earlier draft and neglecting to eliminate therefrom "Dictation Sts. (State Secretary) Backe" and the date of this dictation.]
I. Safeguarding of the next harvest:
The damage which has already been caused or is going to be caused by the weather, by the late and incomplete fall cultivation, and by the failure to plough in the fall must be accepted and cannot be changed. This is the more reason to make good for these damages by good and timely spring cultivation. For this is decisive:
(1) Allocation of labor, especially of Poles;
(2) Allocation of tractors and horses;
(3) The delivery of fertilizer;
(4) The delivery of seed.
1. Condition of labor allocation for agriculture: The need for agricultural workers, as determined through general inquiry, amounts to 1 million Poles, excluding the prisoners of war. In addition, as reported by the Group Labor Allocation, the following foreign workers will be allocated: 30000 Italians, 25000 Slovaks, 12000 Hungarians, 3000 Dutch.
70000 men compared with approximately 120000 men in 1939. Aside from those there are 57000 civilian Poles from all and approximately 320000 prisoners.
In contrast to the requested one million Poles there are now only 780000 Poles scheduled to come in, approximately 700000 of them from the Government. [In the German text the term "Gouvernement" alone is often used for "Gouvernement General,"the Government General in German occupied Poland under Governor General Hans Frank. The findings of the IMT concerning Governor General Frank appear in Trial of the Major War Criminal, op. cit., volume I, pages 296-298.]
The promise that as of 20 January 1940 there would be run every day eight to ten trains of a thousand men is unfortunately not fulfilled. Rather there are now scheduled to be transported according to the statements by State Secretary Syrup:
Altogether from 29 January 1940 to 1 March 1940 approximately 400000 human beings.
In contrast to the original plan to bring by 1 April 1940 700000 human beings to Germany, it is now only 400000, and according to the experience made it must be doubted whether even these amounts will be reached by 1 April 1940.
The results of this delay are now that for one thing transportation is bound to last until far into the summer, that is that the workers will come too late for the spring work; for the other, great danger exists that fewer Hackfruechte [collective term for beets, potatoes, and like vegetables], especially potatoes, will be planted. When first--because of lack of laborers the fields have been sown with spring grain, it will no longer be possible to plough them in order to plant potatoes, because there will be no longer time for it.
An aggravating factor is that in the opinion of the Government General the hiring of laborers will be made more difficult or even prevented by the Poles who have been evacuated to the Government General who do not trust the recruiting, but rather Vise against going to Germany. The clergy is active in the same direction. Further difficulties will be caused by the collective delousings and vaccinations which have been ordered. On the other hand according to the promise of the Transportation Ministry, the allocation of cars seems to be certain.
The conclusion and required steps which follow from this situation are:
a. The Labor Ministry must under all circumstances, at least up to 1 April 1940, actually carry through the scheduled minimum program of 40000 human beings; as far as possible transportation must be accelerated.
b. If, as it appears likely, there will be, in the Government General, difficulties at the labor recruiting offices in the recruiting of civilian Poles, it will be unavoidable to give the Occupation Army authority and directive to cause, by force, the necessary number of workers to be transported to Germany.
c. Since it is no longer possible to use the civilian Poles in time for cultivation, it will be necessary to relieve school children from school attendance, especially for the planting of potatoes, the hoeing of beets and potatoes; the older school children, however, during the entire spring cultivation.
d. Based on a letter of the Reich Food Minister to the Deputy of the Fuehrer, contact has been made with the Deputy of the Fuehrer concerning large scale use of the Party for spring cultivation.
e. To give a stimulus (to the local labor forces, agricultural workers and their families as well as wives of workers from neighboring towns, etc.) for the cultivation and harvesting of Hackfruechten, it will be necessary, according to the peacetime custom, to give, in addition to payment for cultivation and harvesting, a certain bonus in produce. It is thought here of permission to take without stamps two and one-half pounds of sugar per morgen [0.84 acre] of beets hoed and beets dug; altogether five pounds per morgen.
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Translation of Document NG-1190, Prosecution Exhibit 2603.
RK 4974 B
26 March 1940
The Reich Labor Minister [Throughout the period of the Third Reich Franz Seldte was Reich Minister of Labor. He died in confinement in Nuernberg shortly before the indictment in the Ministries case.].
Berlin SW 11,
Telephone: 11 00 28.
21 March 1940
To the Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery, Dr. Lammers,
Berlin W 8
[Initial] KR [Kritzinger]
28 March 1940
Dear Dr. Lammers:
As I have already informed you on 31 October 1939, unemployment did not increase to any great extent after the outbreak of the war--in contrast to the development in 1914--thanks to the extensive preparations which were made in the labor allocation field for the Mob case. [The case of mobilization for war.] During the first months of the war, the number of unemployed rose from 62000 to approximately 120000 and then slowly increased to 150000 immediately before Christmas. It was not until January 1940 that the severe frost caused a further increase, since all outside work was stopped, which however, had reached its peak by 7 February 1940 with a figure of 261000. Despite the continuous winter weather, a decrease to 175000 had already set in by 13 March 1940. Despite the unusually cold winter the increase of unemployment in Greater Germany, from the low during the previous summer to the peak during the following winter of 1939/1940, amounted to only 200000. Of the 175000 unemployed on 13 March 1940, consisting of 116000 men and 59000 women, only a fraction was fit for full employment or transfer to other professions.
The winter unemployment existing at present must not lead to the deceptive conclusion that German industry does not require a considerable number of workers.
The fact alone, that unemployment rose to a much lesser degree than in previous years despite the unusually severe winter, permits us to assume that the labor allocation situation will become extraordinarily tense as soon as outside work is resumed on a broad basis. Therefore exceptional measures will be necessary to meet the demand for workers which are needed for priority work for the defense of the Reich and for the essential needs. The nature of these measures depends largely upon the extent to which industry will be deprived of workers by drafting into the Armed Forces, and further, upon how many workers are released for priority work through the closing down of nonessential industries as ordered recently by the Minister of Economics upon instructions of the Plenipotentiary for the Four Year Plan. This measure by the Reich Minister of Economics is especially important, because it speeds up the process of switching over to essential war work and, at the same time, offers the possibility to dispense with part of the compulsory service in balancing the needs of other districts.
Certain questions, which at present are much in the foreground as far as labor allocation is concerned, shall be discussed in detail.
A. The Effects of Conscription into the Wehrmacht, the Waffen SS, the Police, the Strengthened Protective Police [versaerkten Polizeischutz], and the Reich Labor Service on Labor Allocation:
I: 1. A reshuffling of approximately 2 million men will take place during the months of March 1940 to September 1940.
2. This reshuffling will mean the loss of approximately 3/4 million men by the civilian sector and the exchange of approximately 1.2 million men between the Wehrmacht and the civilian sector.
3. The loss from the civilian sector will be for the benefit of:
a. The Wehrmacht (new divisions): 200000 men;
The SS: 40000 men;
The Police: 12000 men;
The Strengthened Protective Police: 35000 men;
The Reich Labor Service: 160000 men;
Total: 447000 men.
b. The establishment of reserves for the Wehrmacht until 1 October 1940, 300000 men. (In addition, the last third of the classes of 1919 and 1920 will be drafted as recruits on 1 October 1940, 400000).
4. a. One million new soldiers must be supplied by the civilian sector to replace 1 million older soldiers who served during WWI. In this connection special attention must be paid to the fact that the older soldiers may not be released during the training period for the young soldiers.
b. An additional 200000 men must be drafted from the civilian sector to fill the present or future gaps in the Wehrmacht due to deferments.
II: To cover the requirements stated under I the following will be drafted: By the Wehrmacht:
a. Formerly deferred, newly trained soldiers, soldiers (Reserve I): 103000.
b. 1.6 million untrained men of the classes 1912-1911 (Class of 1910 already drafted): 600000; (Class of 1910 already drafted) of the class of 1909-1904: 1 million.
By other units: (SS, Police, Labor Service): 247000.
III: In contrast to this there are the large scale requirements of plants for additional workers during the coming months which have been examined:
Army munitions program: 100000;
Other Army production: 30000;
Air Force: 50000;
Tool machine construction (Lange): 25000;
Railways (locomotive and railway car construction): 17000;
Railways (transportation workers): 70000;
Inland waterways: 3000;
Four Year Plan--Krauch Plan: 60000;
Taking various smaller requirements into consideration the total number of needed labor amounts to approximately 0.5 million.
The building industry and agriculture are not included in these figures.
B. Reinforcement of Agricultural Labor Allocation through Employment of Ethnic Polish Workers:
To forestall a decline in agricultural production and if possible to increase it, approximately 800000 ethnic Polish workers from the Government General and the Incorporated Eastern Territories will be made available to agriculture and especially to small agricultural enterprises under favorable conditions, that is to say at wages below the level paid for comparable German workers. The ground for this measure was laid through careful investigation of the labor requirements, setting up numerous recruiting offices, insuring medical examinations, delousing, and by providing regular transports. The execution of this measure has been made very difficult through the unusually long and severe winter.
Despite this the first transports have already arrived in the reception depots. 107000 persons were made available to German agriculture between 12 February 1940 and 17 March 1940. Prior to this the labor offices had already brought 80000 Polish agricultural workers into the Reich proper.
C. Labor Allocation in the Armament industry: The growing labor requirements in the armament industry, especially in the iron and metal industries, and the necessity to cover the losses due to conscriptions into the Wehrmacht necessitates in an ever increasing way the reshuffling of laborers from industries nonessential to the war effort to the armament industry. For example a total of approximately 670000 workers were placed in new work by the labor offices during January 1940. The extent to which social-political considerations may be respected--as a transfer of workers tied to a particular locality, especially married and older workers, cannot be carried out--will, in future, depend upon the results of the previously mentioned closing-down [of enterprises] action ordered by the Reich Minister of Economics, and will further depend upon the effects of scattering [the distribution of] Wehrmacht orders [contracts] as decreed by the High Command of the Armed Forces some time ago. An approximate picture of the measures that will probably have to be introduced can be gained from the requirements which are stated under A III. To cover these requirements, extensive retraining measures have been introduced for those workers who have been released through the closing down of industries not essential to the war effort.
D. Labor Allocation of Women: The gaps which have been created through conscription into the Armed Forces, etc., must to a large extent be filled through the employment of women. This is also to a large extent a social problem. The new regulation covering family support issued in the fall of 1939 not only tended to keep women who receive support from taking up work, but has also resulted in the fact that numerous women, who have been granted support through war marriages, have given up the work which they formerly carried out. At present measures are being prepared through the collaboration of the various offices of the Party and the State to recruit women who are not wholly or only partially bound to the care of their dependents and who are physically fit for employment in essential war industries and for other work in which masculine labor can be replaced by women thus relieving the labor situation. This measure is also to extend to women who have not been employed before. The extensive cooperation of Party offices is intended in the recruitment of women.
E. Labor Allocation in Mining: The mining industry which employed approximately 704000 laborers in all its branches at the end of November 1939, requires for 1940 an additional number of 50000 workers as stated under A III. These requirements will be covered largely by utilizing workers from the Incorporated Eastern Territories, the Government General and the Protectorate Bohemia and Moravia.
F. Short-time Work [kurzarbeit] [The term "Kurzarbeit," as used in German labor law, connotates placing of employees of an enterprise on involuntary reduced shifts.]: The limitation of industrial branches which are not essential to the war effort has already gone hand in hand with the expansion of the war economy, especially in various consumer goods industries. The number of part-time workers in these industrial branches which received assistance had risen to 245000 by the beginning of October 1939. The greater scattering of war orders carried out from then on and the placement of numerous workers in essential war industries brought about a considerable reduction in part-time work. During the first half of February 1940 only 170000 part-time workers received assistance. Nearly 90% of these fell into the category of the textile and clothing industries. A total of 90000 women were included among the 170000 short-time workers, whose employment in other industries would naturally cause great difficulties because they are bound to their families and the localities in which they live.
At the end of January 1940, 12.38 million men and 6.71 million women -- that is a total of 19.09 million persons, were employed as workers and employees in German industries in the Reich proper. Compared to the same period during the previous year, the number of employed persons declined by approximately 1.25 million in the Reich proper. The number of non-employed declined by 1.52 million.
Since 2.36 million workers and employees were drafted into services with the Armed Forces at the end of January 1940, in the Reich proper because of the war, it can be concluded by comparing figures with the previous year that approximately 800000 of the masculine labor lost by drafting into war service could be replaced through tapping available reserves and by drawing on the rising generation. The number of employed women at the end of January 1940 was higher by 272000 than at the same time during the previous year. In the entire Reich, including Austria and the Sudetenland, with the exception of the Eastern Territories, 21.51 million workers and employees were engaged in work at the end of January 1940. Apart from this 2.53 million workers and employees had been drafted into service with the Armed Forces.
I should be pleased if, during a discussion, you would inform the Fuehrer on developments of the labor situation as based on the above statements.
[Signed] Franz Seldte.
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Partial Translation of Document NID-15581, Prosecution Exhibit C-43.
Eighth session of the General Council on 17 April 1940: In the chair, State Secretary Koerner.
The State Secretaries, Stuckart, Backe, Dr. Syrup, Kleinmann, Alpers, and Neumann.
Ambassador Ritter, Under State Secretaries: v. Hanneken, v. Jagwitz.
[Initial] R [Ritter]
Reich Commissioner for Price Administration Wagner; Major General Thomas; Reich Cabinet Councillor Dr. Willuhn; Ministerial Director Dr. Mansfeld; Brigadier General Gercke; Ministerial Counselor Baermann; Professor Krauch; Reichsamtsleiter Walter.
1. The State Secretary Dr. Syrup reports about the situation of the labor utilization. At last 18000 unemployed persons who are fully fit for work and 110000 short-time workers were registered, 80000 of whom belong to the textile and clothing industry.
Agriculture: Up to the present 260000 PWs, 80000 Polish civilians and--through the great propaganda action--207000 more Polish civilians have been assigned to agriculture. Apart from it, an allocation of 100000 other foreigners is to be expected.
Owing to the increasing resistance on the part of the Poles the propaganda action in the Government General came to a standstill even after the transportation difficulties were removed. The only thing which can be done is to carry out a forced conscription by calling up certain age classes of Poles. Ambassador Ritter will remove the political objections raised by the Foreign Office. [Defendant Ritter, among other positions, acted as liaison officer between Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop and Keitel, the Chief of the High Command of the German Armed Forces.] State Secretaries Syrup and Backe will settle the technical questions concerning the carrying-out of these measures and discuss their chances of success, so that by the middle of next week it will be possible to make a final decision. An additional number of 3-400000 Polish workers are still required for agriculture.
Industry: At present requests for approximately 500000 men are still pending (without the building industry). Of this total, 400000 men are needed by the armament industry alone; 164000 men at once. In addition to this, the building industry also submitted large orders which, however, cannot be filled to the desired extent.
The shutting-down program is now being executed. However, nothing much is to be expected from this for the allocation of labor. Approximately 150000 men are involved; however, not all of them are fully fit for work. Exact data is not yet available. From the point of view of labor allocation, there is only an interest in the shutting down of larger enterprises in the areas where there is a shortage and not at all in liquidating innumerable, widely scattered small and tiny enterprises.
In addition to this the combing out program is still being pursued which has, so far, netted good results with good prospects for the future. The training and retraining program is pursued vigorously and an adjustment on a national basis will be attained in spite of increasing difficulties.
As a last resort we may fall back on the reserves represented by the women. State Secretary Syrup presents his draft of a decree which is approved, after a lengthy discussion, on condition that women taking care of their families (children, husband, etc.) are to be exempted at first from the requirement to report. Special measures must be taken in regard to agriculture. It is being considered to draw up a special decree [musterverordnung] to serve as a pattern for the Reich Governors and the Provincial Presidents to provide them with the possibility for a decentralized solution of the problems arising in this connection.
Ministerial Director Dr. Mansfeld reports on the wishes expressed by the German Labor Front in regard to new wage standards for women. This matter, which is of particularly fundamental and practical significance, is to be discussed still further by the interested parties. Major General Thomas requests to be included in the discussions, and that the Minister for Ammunition be consulted.
State Secretary Stuckart is going to investigate the question of lengthening the working time for officials and will report on this in the near future.
State Secretary Koerner: 1 copy;
Neumann: 1 copy;
Reinhardt: 1 copy;
Landfried: 1 copy;
Backe: 1 copy;
Syrup: 1 copy;
Kleinmann: 1 copy;
Alpers: 1 copy;
Stuckart: 1 copy;
Under State Secretary von Hanneken: 1 copy;
Reich Cabinet Councillor Dr. Willuhn: 1 copy;
Brigadier General Gercke: 1 copy;
Colonel Huehnermann: 1 copy;
Ambassador Ritter: 1 copy;
Minister Schnurre Professor Krauch: 1 copy;
Reich Commissioner for Coal, Walter: 1 copy;
Ministerial Dirigent Brebeck: 1 copy;
Ministerial Counselor Baermann: 1 copy;
Ministerial Dirigent Marotzke: 1 copy;
Ministerial Director Dr. Gramsch: 1 copy;
SS Major General Heydrich: 1 copy;
General von Schell: 1 copy;
Dr. Gritzbach: 1 copy;
Subtotal: 26 copies; Additional copies: 9; Total: 35 copies.
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Partial Translation of Document NG-5700, Prosecution Exhibit 3789.
[Handwritten] Soft coal, Thursday evening very likely, 15 June 1943 key date for the mining industry,
Only for official use
9 June 1943 Ds/S.
[Handwritten] Reference Kehrl, Obersalzberg, Report:
Concerning the present status and the future possibilities of the procurement of Polish labor from the Government General.
Visited were the cities of Krakow (2 June 1943 AM, short conference in the Main Dep. Labor and with Dr. Jehne); Lublin (2 June 1943 in the evening until 3 June 1943 evening); Lvov (4 June 1943); and Krakow (5-6 June 1943).
1. The general situation in the Government General.--The enmity of the Polish population against the German domination has increased considerably in the recent period. Particularly in the districts of Warsaw, Radom, and Lublin, the activity of the bands has much increased.
Recently, also, peasants are forming bands who, during the day, peacefully work in the fields and are only being assembled at night by special messengers for attacks. Also, it has already repeatedly happened that police units composed of natives have shot their German leaders to death and then went over to the bands, with the weapons. Incidentally, the jungle-like forests in the Eastern districts offer sufficient hiding places to the bands. The weapons stem partly from Polish Army supplies, partly from attacks, and partly they are furnished by the Soviets by air.
The agents of the German Government for labor allocation and harvest delivery who are working in the infested district themselves are particularly in danger. Quite a number of murder cases have been reported.
The head of the Main Department Labor in Krakow, Ministerial Councillor von Gschliessen declared that, recently, passive resistance has already occurred in the Krakow district.
Reich Germans who have been active in the Government General since 1939 or 1940, declare that also in the Eastern districts there was at first among the population a prevalent feeling of admiring respect for Germany and her Army, in view of the quick victory over the Polish
Army. Now, however, according to them, the population is mainly filled with hatred.
All Reich Germans declare more or less openly that the reason for this sharpening of the situation is, either in the first line, or in the second or third line, the labor allocation action. In addition, the resettlement--in the course of which, Polish peasants, in spite of extraordinarily favorable crop delivery, were driven from their farms last year and were replaced by ethnic German peasant from Volhynia or Bessarabia. Hence, these farms are very frequently put on fire by the peasants who were driven out, and attacks are also made principally on the offices of the local village administration and labor allocation agencies. [Further materials concerning the resettlement or Germanization program are reproduced earlier in section IX E 1.]
In these actions of the bands, they are also hunting out the index rosters which have been compiled by the German administration during the last 3 years and which indicate, in addition to inhabitants, also the size of the farms, the cattle, the labor productivity, etc., and thus form the basis for directing the control [Erfassung] of the sowing and the crop. (It may be mentioned in parenthesis that a man who is authoritatively connected with the resettlement of an Eastern district has declared that the ethnic German peasants from Volhynia or Bessarabia would usually make extremely derogatory utterances about the farms allotted to them and which farms they even often refused altogether to accept, so that, according to this gentleman, the resettlement action is not even useful from the standpoint of these peasants).
In the towns, it is quiet, just like in medieval castles. One enjoys the feeling of complete security. It is true, however, that even here centers of considerable dissatisfaction are emerging.
2. The Labor Procurement Action: a. In general: The areas of Lvov and, later, of Lublin were assigned to the coal-mining industry for getting labor. Recruitment of workers for German coal mining was known for years past in the area of Lvov, particularly in the south (districts of Stanislau, Kolomea, Sniatyn). However, the Lublin District has no tradition in this respect; not even agricultural workers had come from this district to Germany.
Antecedent to the action for getting labor for the mines was the so-called Mobilisazie Polakow; that is, the procurement and the use of labor in the war-important economy, and then the recruitment for the construction service (O.T.), and for the infantry divisions of the SS. Today, as heretofore, construction service and SS are given preference. For instance, the southern and the eastern districts of the Lublin area are blocked for any labor procurement action, in the interest of the SS.
To the Poles, construction service and SS offer the great advantage that for the time being, at least these formations remain inside the country; that their members wear uniforms and are given arms (the latter is also a reason which entices them to join the partisans). On the other side, mining workers are not merely to work "below the surface", they are also "removed to Germany" [nach Deutschland verschleppt].
Finally, the reports as to the available men in question were neither complete nor correct. For instance, one has been counting on a figure of 120000 men obtainable from the area of Lvov. However, after rechecking, one had to reduce this figure to 80000 at the most. The first information given to the Plenipotentiary General for Labor Allocation that, 50000 miners from the area of Lvov could be recruited within 3 weeks, was based on that first figure of 120000 men available.
b. In particular: For some time already one can no longer speak of recruitment [Werbung] for the coal mining industry; on the contrary, one actually has to draft and induct [regulaer ausgemustert und ausgehoben] the Poles. Particularly lately, this is possible only by using police forces. They, however, one might say, frequently only push away the workers in question, and drive them to the partisans because of their dislike to be drafted for mining. It has happened that police detachments met men only in the first houses of the villages, the Poles of the other village houses having fled right after the police made their appearance. In the Lvov area, where Ukrainians were assigned to police duty, they found that the entries on the lists of the inhabitants were mostly incorrect. Either false addresses were entered on the lists, or the men had moved in the meantime to "unknown addresses"; in other words, they had fled. Considering these facts, and considering at the same time the requests of the O.T. and of the SS, the draft of Poles who were good for the mining industry could produce only insufficient results.
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Translation of Document NG-5701, Prosecution Exhibit 3788.
5 August 1943
Plenipotentiary for Labor Allocation
Berlin SW 11, Saarlandstr. 96.
Dear Party Member Sauckel:
For a long time I am informing the labor employment authorities that the Eastern workers, Poles and also Ukrainians employed in coal mining, are leaving their jobs in great numbers. Reasons therefore are, dislike of work in the mines in general, particularly strong among workers from different plants and, in first line, among those transferred to the mines from agriculture. In Western German areas the effect of enemy bombing is added, which is getting these Eastern workers out on the road in dangerous numbers, and to looking for a more convenient and secure job. Already now it has gained such an extent that in my opinion, aside from the results on production, the security of the country, too, is seriously in danger. As countermeasures, absolutely necessary, the following steps should be taken:
1. To make it possible to get hold of fugitives, the name of the plant, its Reich plant number or the number of the Labor Office is to be stamped durably into the individual underwear and clothing of the Eastern worker, etc. In addition, each Eastern worker is to be given an identification tag and an identification card (work book) containing his picture. Both must indicate in figures which is the Labor Office dealing with his employment, and where he is employed. The plan already considered of organizing a Reich card index with finger printing appears to me to be very advisable.
2. The Eastern workers have to confirm with their signatures that they were told to report immediately to the plant the loss of the identification tag and of the identification card, and that the neglect to do that or the removal of the marks in the clothing is subject to
severe punishment (concentration camp for a longer period).
3. Eastern workers and Poles caught when trying to escape, and also Ukrainians escaped or not returned from their vacations, are to be taken back on principle to the plant which they had left without permission. An agreement of this sort is in existence between the Reich Leader SS and the Plenipotentiary General for Labor Allocation. However, it was not applied in regard to Eastern workers, and to the others evidently only rarely applied. Even if the place where they are caught is very distant from the place where they had their old job, the workers have to be taken back, and that has to be done for reasons of education in respect to the other Eastern workers, and also in order not to reduce the distance in case of a second escape.
4. Should a treatment by the state police be considered to be necessary, then it is to be limited to an assignment to the labor education camp [Arbeitserziehungslager] for the duration of 6 weeks at the utmost. (A longer duration of the reeducation has shown itself to be of no good effect on the capacity of work of the escapees.) Only in particularly grave cases is the escapee to be put into a concentration camp.
5. The directives according to which the labor allocation authorities allocate workers of no distinct origin only after [obtaining] a definite and flawless clearance, and then only in agreement with this regulation, and according to which public and private establishments are not permitted to employ workers without their express allocation by the labor office which is competent to do that, should be remembered in view of the considerable shortage of labor and should be enforced.
6. In the execution, and in making known these regulations, I think the following points are particularly important: just like today any German may be requested at any time to establish his identity, just as it is a matter of course that all members of the Wehrmacht have an identification tag and a pass, the foreigners too must be given an identification tag of their plant and a pass. In my opinion one could do away with the mark "East," especially as it is looked upon as a sort of defamation. The Eastern workers and the other foreigners must be given to understand that these regulations are corresponding to what is required of the Germans too. In the interest not alone of the labor employment situation in coal mining, but also and primarily of the security in some mining areas, I should be grateful to you if you would consider the above suggestions as soon as possible, if necessary make amendments to them, but at any rate realize them very soon. I have sent identical letters to the Reich Leader SS Himmler and to the Chief of the Security Police, Dr. Kaltenbrunner.
[Initial] P [Pleiger].
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The Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery
RK.318D g III
Berlin W8 Vosstrasse 6, at present: Field-quarters. Mail must exclusively be directed to Berlin address.
17 April 1943.
To the Reichsfuehrer-SS and Chief of the German Police Herr Himmler
Ref: The situation in the Government General.
Dear Mr. Reichleader,
We had agreed at our conference on March 27th of this year that written texts should be worked out about the situation in the Government General, on which our intended, mutual report to the Fuehrer, could be based.
The material gathered for this purpose by Lieutenant General Krueger was submitted to you immediately. Based on this material, I have had a sketch prepared, which sums up the most important points of this material, sub-divides them in a way quickly to grasp, and finally points out the kind of measurements to be taken.
The memorandum was checked, together with SS Lieutenant General Krueger who agrees with it in full. Part of it I herewith submit to you.
(signed) Dr. Lammers.
Copy to RK. 318 D g III.
************************************************************F.Q. 12 April 1943
SECRET! Ref: The situation in the Government General.
A. The task of the German Administration in the Government General. The German Administration in the Government General has to fulfill the following tasks:
1. For the purpose of securing food for the German people, to increase agricultural production and utilize it to the fullest extent, to allot sufficient rations to the native population occupied with work essential for the war effort and to deliver the rest to the armed forces and the homeland.
2. To employ the manpower of the native population in the Government General itself only for war important purposes, and to put at the homeland's disposal such manpower which is not needed for the purpose mentioned above.
3. To consolidate German folkdom in the Government General and by means of inland settlement in particular to create a stronghold of German folkdom in the eastern border districts, also by means of colonization with racial Germans, transferred from other places, thus safeguarding these very border districts.
4. To safeguard the Government General as a transit zone for replacements and supplies to the East front.
5. To obtain troops as far as possible from the native population for the fight against Bolshevism.
B. Wrong ways chosen for the fulfillment of these tasks. The German administration in the Government General has failed by a wide margin in achieving the tasks listed under A. Although, in the year of 1942, one succeeded in meeting the delivery quota of agrarian products for the armed forces and the homeland at a relatively high percentage, namely over 90 and also met the demands of the homeland concerning the conscription of labor in general, one has to consider two things on the other hand:
First, these accomplishments in the year of 1942 were achieved for the first time, prior, f. i. only 40000 German tons [Translator's remark: 2206 lbs. avoir p. makes a ton] bread grain had been delivered to the Armed Forces. Secondly, and above all, one had failed to create for the bringing about of such achievements the necessary organizational, economic, and political basis, which is absolutely required, if such achievements shall not strongly affect the entire situation, may eventually cause chaotic conditions in the future. This failure of the German administration can for one thing be explained by the system of the German administrative and governmental activity in the Government General, personally represented by the Governor General, and secondly, by the wrong basic principles of policy in all those questions, which were decisive for conditions in the Government General.
II. The failure in basic principles of policy.
1. The realization of the task, listed in A 1, necessitates in the first place a strict and clear-cut structure of economics, as well as a disciplined and clear-cut official economic policy, accompanied by an elimination as totally as possible of clandestine trading and black markets. This stipulates above all the fullest utilization of the harvest and its public management, the stopping of all trade enterprises, which are not essential to the war and the care to be taken for a clear-cut management in war essential enterprises.
The German administration was in no respect capable of living up to these requirements. In the matter of raising food it took a request of a delivery contingent for the Reich and the Armed Forces amounting to 750000 metric tons of bread grain in the summer of 1942, in order to have the attempt made, of drawing up an inventory of food products. For this purpose a census was taken. The result however turned out to be unreliable. The utilization of the harvest [Ernte-erfassung] did not even permit the full delivery of the contingent for the Reich and the
Armed Forces (instead of 750000 metric tons only 690000 tons) let alone the ample feeding of the native population working for German interests. While 1.4 million metric tons were demanded, only 1.2 million metric tons of bread grain could be taken hold of, of which 690000 m.t. were delivered to the Reich and the Armed Forces, so that for roughly 16 million natives only 510000 m.t. were left. Accordingly, the weekly bread rationS for the normal consumer had to be cut down to only 1050 g, Compared with 1675 g in the Protectorate and 2600 g in the annexed Eastern territories. To make supplies available for the native population, black markets and clandestine trading were tolerated to the greatest extent, resulting in prices entirely unattainable for the population, working for German interests. A married Polish official, without children, with High school education f.i. has a net income of 234.27 Zloty per month. Compared with this, the prices in the clandestine trade are:
1 kg. rye bread: 11.00 Zloty,
1 kg. potatoes: 2.40 Zloty,
1 kg. pork: 80.00 Zloty,
1 kg. bacon: 160.00 Zloty,
1 kg. butter: 170.00 Zloty
Under such conditions the foreign worker remains at his place of work for about 4 to 5 days per week only in order to purchase the missing provisions for himself and his family on the remaining other days. Daily ransackings, robberies, murders and other crimes are further consequences of these conditions.
The farmer received, as an incitement for delivery of his agrarian products, premium certificates for the obtaining of commodities (articles needed for farming, household necessities, salt, cigarettes, brandy, etc.). These commodities very often could not be had, however, despite the fact that they were obtainable in any desired quantity in the clandestine trade, but at exorbitant prices. (1 bricklayer's brush = 1 cow, 1 dz. (Drusch) coal = 30.00 Zloty, 1 pair of boots = 1500.00 Zloty, 1 horse shoe nail = 3.00 Zloty, 1 pair of wooden slippers = 2 calves, 1 dress = 1 cow)
The consequences of this situation naturally leads to a severe curbing of the farmer's willingness to produce. Instead of reducing prices in the trade section by means of taking the necessary measures in regard to the management, a decree of the Governor General recommended, to adjust the prices of agrarian products to the prices of commodities, which were as much as 300 to 4000 higher.
The trade economics are entirely built up according to capitalistic viewpoints, with the aim of earning quickly and much and any planned leadership, which might take war requirements into consideration, is lacking. There is a lack of state supervision and of guidance in the line of production and in the line of trade. The German individual business man as a "trustee" on his own, of enterprises personally directed by him, is given a free hand to do what he wants, in the unrestricted play of forces. These 7 trustees very often make use of former Polish and Jewish owners of enterprises as agents empowered to sign in their names. These trustees make tremendous profits in clandestine trading, tolerated by the Government, and make them within the shortest time. Prohibition of production and control of individual management, as requested by the Armament Inspection (Lt. Gen. Schindler), were not carried out. Part of the trade production is directed only at putting at the disposal of the native population objects for the trade-in of food; metals, materials for spinning, leather, etc., are thus being drained off from the war economy.
2. The Utilization of Manpower. The most important presupposition for a proper and relatively frictionless regulation to utilize manpower taken from the native population within the Government General itself, as well as within the Reich, are normal conditions in the sphere of economics. Lack of this coordination influences the steering of labor employments unfavorably in many respects. If it would be possible to provide the population, working in the interest of Germany, with the minimum of food needed, and everyday objects, and to render impossible the access to other items by way of black market channels and clandestine trade, then the reserves of manpower at hand would volunteer for employment as planned, of their own volition. This would mean a basis for a sensible shaping of agrarian property-units. It is necessary in this respect that parts of the population thus available may then be employed in such work which will guarantee them a satisfactory standard of living. After failing to have created the necessary supposition for a well-planned and well-steered employment of manpower, the utilization of manpower is confronted with the greatest difficulties. It is clear that these difficulties have been increased by the elimination of Jewish manpower. But it is incorrect to consider this elimination as the cause of difficulties. If the necessary basis for proper management of manpower had been given, the elimination of Jewish manpower would not have caused any difficulties worth mentioning. As things were, the utilization of manpower had to be enforced by means of more or less forceful methods, such as the instances when certain groups appointed by the Labor Offices, caught Church and Movie-goers here and there and transported them into the Reich. That such methods not only undermine the people's willingness to work and the people's confidence to such a degree that it cannot be checked even with terror, is just as clear as the consequences brought about by a strengthening of the political resistance movement.
3. The Treatment of the Native Populations. Can only be led into the right channels based on a foundation of a clear-cut and well-organized administration and management. Only such a foundation permits that the native population may be handled strictly if necessary, even severely. On the other hand, it cal be dealt with in a big-hearted manner and may be granted certain liberties, especially in cultural respect, causing a certain amount of contentment. Without such a foundation, severity would only strengthen the resistance movement and meeting the native population half way would only undermine the German reputation. That this foundation is missing can be concluded from the facts mentioned above. Instead of trying to create this basis, the Governor General inaugurates a promotion of cultural life on the part of the Polish population, which knows no bounds in itself. Under prevailing circumstances however and last, but not least, in connection with our military situation last winter, this could only be explained as a weakness and thus had to bring out exactly the opposite results of the aspired aim.
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Translation of Document No-1880, Prosecution Exhibit 1314.
[This memorandum is undated, but the time of Himmler's handing it to Hitler and others is noted in the next document reproduced herein.]
[Handwritten] Dr. Gross of the Racial Policy Office has been informed 28 November 1940. Wolff.
For the files
[stamp] Top Secret.
Reflections on the Treatment of Peoples of Alien Races in the East:
Concerning the treatment of peoples of alien races in the East we have to see to it that we acknowledge and cultivate as many individual ethnic groups as possible, that is, outside of the Poles and the Jews, also the Ukrainians, the White Russians, the Gorals [Goralen], the Lemcos [Lemken] and the Cashubos [Kaschuben]. If other small and isolated national groups can be found in other places, they should be treated the same way.
What I want to say is that we are not only most interested in not unifying the population of the East, but, on the contrary, in splitting them up into as many parts and fragments as possible.
But even within the ethnic groups themselves we have one interest in leading these to unity and greatness, or perhaps arouse in them gradually a national consciousness and national culture, but we want to dissolve them into innumerable small fragments and particles.
We naturally want to use the members of all these ethnic groups, especially of the small ones, in positions of police officials and mayors. Only the mayors and local police authorities will be allowed to head those ethnic groups. As far as the Gorals are concerned the individual chieftains and elders of the tribes, who live in continuous feud with each other anyhow, should fill these positions. There must be no centralization toward the top, because only by dissolving this whole conglomeration of peoples of the Government General, amounting to 15 million, and of the 8 million of the eastern provinces, will it be possible for us to carry out the racial sifting which must be the basis for our considerations: namely selecting out of this conglomeration the racially valuable and bringing them to Germany and assimilating them there.
Within a very few years--I should think about 4 to 5 years the name of the Cashubes, for instance, must be unknown, because at that time there won't be a Cashubian people any more (this also goes especially for the West Prussians). I hope that the concepts of Jews will be completely extinguished through the possibility of a large emigration of all Jews to Africa or some other colony. Within a somewhat longer period, it should also be possible to make the ethnic concepts of Ukrainians, Gorals and Lemcos disappear in our area. What has been said for those fragments of peoples is also meant on a correspondingly larger scale for the Poles.
A basic issue in the solution of all these problems is the question of schooling and thus the question of sifting and selecting the young. For the non-German population of the East there must be no higher school than the four-grade elementary school. The sole goal of this school is to be--
Simply arithmetic up to 500 at the most; writing of one's name; the doctrine that it is a divine law to obey the Germans and to be honest, industrious, and good. I don't think that reading is necessary.
Apart from this school there are to be no schools at all in the East. Parents, who from the beginning want to give their children better schooling in the elementary school as well as later on in a higher school, must take an application to the Higher SS and Police Leaders. The first consideration in dealing with this application will be whether the child is racially perfect and conforming to our conditions. If we acknowledge such a child to be as of our blood, the parents will be notified that the child will be sent to a school in Germany and that it will permanently remain in Germany.
Cruel and tragic as every individual case may be, this method is still the mildest and best one if, out of inner conviction, one rejects as un-German and impossible the Bolshevist method of physical extermination of a people.
The parents of such children of good blood will be given the choice to either give away their child; they will then probably produce no more children so that the danger of this subhuman people of the East [Untermenschenvolk des Ostens] obtaining class of leaders which, since it would be equal to us, would also be dangerous for us, will disappear--or else the parents pledge themselves to go to Germany and to become loyal citizens there. The love toward their child, whose future and education depends on the loyalty of the parents, will be a strong weapon in dealing with them.
Apart from examining the applications made by parents for better schooling of their children, there will be an annual sifting of all children of the Government General between the ages of 6 to 10 years in order to separate the racially valuable and non-valuable ones. The ones considered racially valuable will be treated in the same way as the children who are admitted on the basis of the approved application of their parents.
I consider it as a matter of course from an emotional as well as from a rational viewpoint that the moment children and parents come to Germany they are not treated like lepers in the schools and in everyday life, but, after having changed their names, they should, in full confidence, be incorporated into the German life, although attention and vigilance must be exercised with regard to them. It must not happen that the children be made to feel as outcasts, because, after all, we believe in this, our own blood, which, through the errors of German history has flowed into an alien nationality and we are convinced that our ideology and our ideals will strike a chord of resonance in the racially equal soul of these children. Here teachers and Hitler Youth leaders especially must do an out-and-out job, and the mistake that has been made in the past with the people from Alsace Lorraine must never be repeated; namely, that on one side one wants to win the people as Germans, and on the other side one constantly hurts and repudiates their human value, their pride and honor through distrust and insults. Insults like "Polack" and "Ukrainian" or something like that must be made impossible.
The children will have to be educated in an elementary school and after those four grades it can be decided whether the children should continue to go to the German grammar school or should be transferred to a national political institution of education.
The population of the Government General during the next 10 years, by necessity and after a consistent carrying out of these measures, will be composed of the remaining inferior population supplemented by the population of the eastern provinces deported there, and of all those parts of the German Reich which have the same racial and human qualities for instance, parts of the Sorbs [Sorben] and Wends [Wenden].
This population will, as a people of laborers without leaders, be at our disposal and will furnish Germany annually with migrant workers and with workers for special tasks (roads, quarries, buildings): they themselves will have more to eat and more to live on than under the Polish regime; and, though they have no culture of their own, they will, under the strict, consistent, and just leadership of the German people, be called upon to help work on its everlasting cultural tasks and its buildings and perhaps, as far as the amount of heavy work is concerned, will be the ones who make the realization of these tasks possible.
File Note of Himmler, 28 May 1940, concerning the handling and distributing of his memorandum on the treatment of Alien Races in the East, in Trials of War Criminals Before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals Under Control Council Law No. 10. Vol. 13: United States of America v. Ernst von Weizsaecker, et al. (Case 11: 'Ministries Case'). US Government Printing Office, District of Columbia: 1952. pp. 150-151.
Translation of Document No-1881, Prosecution Exhibit 1313.
The Reich Leader SS,
28 May 1940,
On Saturday, 25 May 1940, I handed my memorandum on the treatment of peoples of alien race in the East to the Fuehrer.[document No-1880, Prosecution Exhibit 1314, reproduced immediately above.] The Fuehrer read the six pages and considered them very good and correct. He directed, however, that only very few copies should be issued; that there should be no large edition, and that the report is to be treated with utmost secrecy. Minister Lammers was likewise present. The Fuehrer wanted me to ask Governor General Frank to come to Berlin in order to show him this report and to tell him that the Fuehrer considered it to be correct.
I suggested to the Fuehrer that Minister Lammers, who had received one copy from me, be ordered to present this report to the four Gauleiters of the eastern Gaue: Koch, Forster, Greiser, he Oberpraesident of Silesia, the Governor General Frank, as well as to Reich Minister Darre, and to inform them that the Fuehrer acknowledged and sanctioned this report as a directive.
Then a short file note should be made concerning the notification of the persons named as to the contents of the report. The Fuehrer agreed and gave the order to Minister Lammers.
Reich Leader Bormann received another copy for notification of the deputy of the Fuehrer.
One copy was given to the chief of my office, SS Brigadier General Greifelt in his capacity as Reich Commissioner for the Strengthening of Germanism. I shall give him the order to inform in turn all Chiefs of the Main Offices as well as the first five concerned Higher SS and Police Leaders East, North East, Vistula, Warta, and South East and to have a report made on this subject in the same manner. The notification to the Chiefs of the Main Offices shall be effected by an SS Leader who will have to wait until the chief concerned of the Main Office has read the report and has acknowledged it by his signature. At the same time everyone has to confirm that he has been informed of the fact that this is to be considered as a directive, but that it shall never be laid down in an order of one of the Main Offices either in form of a mere excerpt or from memory.
Moreover SS Brigadier General Greifelt is authorized to bring the contents of the report to the attention of Mayor Winckler and his own main collaborators; the latter he shall suggest to me.
Furthermore, I will personally give one copy to the Chief of the Security Police with the order to notify his main coworkers in the above described manner and without making any copies.
He has to suggest to me the circle of coworkers who are to be informed of the report.
[Handwritten by Himmler] The same applies to the Chief of the Race and Settlement Main Office.
The Reich Leader SS.
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The Leader of the Central Land office for the Reichfuehrer SS
Reich Commissioner for the Strengthening of German Nationalism
Berlin NW7, Friedrichstrasse 110-112 Tel. 42 38 62
29 May 1940
Subject: Report on the confiscations in the Bielitz District of 22 May 1940
Ref: Your letter of 22 May 1940, Br./Schl. to the Silesian Land Office Kattowitz Bernhardstrasse 49
I have repeatedly pointed out to you that the Land Office is to concern itself exclusively with the tasks outlined in the Service Directive of 1 February 1940. In accordance with this, the Land Office, in the case under discussion, is also to restrict itself to the seizure and proposal for confiscation of Polish or Jewish private agriculture enterprises that are needed in consequence of the construction of the concentration camp. I forbid you any participation in measures going beyond this and their preparation such as, more or less, the evacuation, management or reoccupation of the enterprises concerned as well as the accommodation elsewhere of the Polish farm owners. In the same way, the Land Office is to do nothing further regarding the Bielitz district villages named in the report than to undertake the seizure of the Polish and Jewish agriculture enterprises and to propose their confiscation to the State Police. Arrangements which according to the Land Office report have been found too sweeping are in every case to be revoked immediately, in consideration of their invalidity I again point out that as against the other Land Offices the Silesian Land Office has the poorest results to show in connection with seizures.
Signed: W Baron von Holzschuher
SS Group Leader
Certified a true copy Signed: signature Administrative Leader. (L. S.)
***********************************************Ku/Ni Kattowitz, 22 May 1940
Report on Details of the confiscation in the Bielitz country
Some days ago the commandant of the concentration camp being built at Auschwitz spoke at Staff Leader Mueller's and we requested support for the carrying out of his assignments. He said that it was absolutely necessary to confiscate the agriculture enterprises within a certain area around the concentration camp, since not only the fields but also the farm houses of these border directly on the concentration camp. A local inspection held on the 21st of this month revealed the following: There is no room for doubt that the agriculture enterprises bordering on the concentration camp must be confiscated at once. Further than this, the camp commandant requests that further plots of farm land be placed at his disposal, so that he can keep the prisoners busy. This too can be done without further delay since enough land can be made available for the purpose. The owners of the plots are all Poles.
The following agreements have been reached by me with the Camp Commandant and the proper measures prepared. The Director of the Branch agency in Bielitz will immediately determine the names of the Polish farmers and will also divide the land to be confiscated into zones.
Zone 1. Enterprises whose plots border directly on the camp.
Zone 2. Agricultural plots with enterprises which are placed at the disposal of the camp for the employment of the prisoners, namely for about 2000 prisoners for the time being.
Zone 3. As in zone 2, with the only difference, that the number of prisoners has increased considerably. Zones 4 and 5 follow them. In the last case it must be determined to what extent it is possible to put that kind of terrain at the disposal of the camp. The result for Zone I must be known within a few days, in order to enable the Land office in Kattowitz to start the confiscation procedures. It will be necessary to state the size of the families whose enterprises have been confiscated, even giving age and sex.
I had the following discussion with the head of the labor-office in Bielitz.
The lack of agricultural laborers still exists in the old Reich. The transfer of the previous owners of the confiscated enterprises, together with their entire families, to the Reich is possible without any further consideration. It is only necessary for the labor office to receive the lists of the persons in time, in order to enable it to take the necessary steps (collection of transportation, distribution over the various regions in need of such labor). Furniture cannot be taken along under any circumstances in the course of the confiscation, the only things left to the Poles, were anyway, only the most vital items, like bedding, ample food, clothes and other such things.
If the confiscation takes place the Poles will be billeted by the labor office in barracks, put at its disposal by the camp commandant, until their deportation. The deportation of the Poles of further zones will follow along the same lines.
This matter has already been discussed in its outlines with the agricultural management (Ruppert). A farmer will be appointed by the Association of Agricultural Management, who will supervise the agricultural labor of the prisoners at the agricultural enterprises and who, naturally, will carry the sole responsibility for the agricultural measures, which he alone determines.
As soon as the preparatory measures are finished, a meeting will be called on the spot, next week, with the participation of the agricultural management, in order to clear up and determine completely everything that might be necessary. The chief of the Branch Agency Bielitz has been ordered to report on Thursday the 23rd of this month to this office, in order to receive the necessary instructions.
Moreover, I have reached the following agreement with the camp commandant: As there are a number of villages in the district of Bielitz, which contain racial-German [Volksdeutsche] farmers, the existing Poles must be sheltered in those villages in the very near future as quickly as possible, in order to realize a quick consolidation of German folkdom [Volkstume]. The Poles of the confiscated enterprises are taken by the concentration camps then, but not as prisoners [Haeftlinge], rather until the Labor Office Bielitz has turned them over to the Reich as farm laborers.
The following villages are to be considered for the time being: Alzen, Ernstdorf, Batzdorf, Lomnitz.
I have already spoken with the mayor of Alzen, and he will collect all the Poles who possess agricultural property by Saturday, 25th of this month, and submit the list to the Branch Agency Bielitz. The Chief of the Branch Agency Bielitz is requested to get that list personally.
The confiscation of those Polish enterprises in Alzen will also be carried out within the next few days. The Commandant of the Concentration camp will furnish SS-men and a truck for the execution of the action. Should it not yet be possible to take the Poles from Alzen to Auschwitz, they should be transferred to the empty castle at Zator.
The liberated Polish property is to be given to the needy racial German farmers for their use. The Chief of the Branch Agency must therefore on Saturday determine, in cooperation with the local authorities, the Germans who can be taken into consideration for that purpose.
The list of the Poles to be turned over to the Reich for agricultural labor is to be handed over to the labor office Bielitz. as quickly as possible. Care is to be taken that the size of the family, etc, is also indicated. The Poles in the other German villages of the district Bielitz, are to be determined in the same manner, in cooperation with the various mayors, in order to enable the office here to prepare the confiscation as quickly as possible. The execution of these measures naturally takes place simultaneously with those at Auschwitz. A discussion with the district leader, the district head-farmers of the association of agricultural management for Eastern Germany [Kreislandwirt der Ostdeutschen landbewirtschaftungs-Gesellschaft] must of course, take place, before those measures are carried out.
Report Re: Achievement of confiscations of Polish agricultural enterprises with the purpose to transfer the Poles to the Old Reich and to employ them as agricultural workers.
In the Old Reich again and again the complaint can be heard that a shortage of agricultural workers exists, and that it cannot be remedied by any means though Polish farm-workers have been placed at disposal. The employment offices have informed farmers and owners of estates who are looking for workers that it was difficult to get any workers at all from Poland, that the recruiting in the Government-General and also in the Eastern territory was initiated and the Poles who had applied were placed.
A few days ago, the Country Farmers Leader from Neutitschein called on our Office and told us that in his district many lands were still not yet tilled because there is a lack of any workers. The Reich Food Estate has decreed that everyone can procure himself Polish workers in the Eastern territory or in the Government General.
This appears preposterous if one knows that the office of the Higher SS and Police leader as deputy of the Reich commissar for the strengthening of German nationality, Land Office Silesia, cannot perform the confiscations of small and even very small agricultural enterprises for the reason that we do not know where to put the former Polish owners. Until now the work regarding the confiscation of Polish small farms has been limited to racial-German villages. I have already reported on this matter for the county of Blachownia as well as for the county of Bielitz-Biala, in connection with the institution of a concentration camp in Auschwitz.
I have made an arrangement with the Chief of an employment agency to transfer at once for employment into the Old Reich such Poles as agricultural workers who are designated by us.
It is possible without difficulty to accomplish the confiscation of small agricultural enterprises in the villages in which larger agricultural enterprises have been already confiscated and are under the management of the East German Corporation for Agricultural Development. For it is by no means difficult for the larger agricultural estate to manage a few hundred acres, of course consistent with its own character without any particular additional expenses. It is a matter of course that above all Polish arable lands adjacent to the land of the estate should be confiscated and added to the estate for exploitation. Agricultural-technical or other difficulties by no means can occur. The former owners of Polish farms together with their families will be transferred to the Old Reich by the employment agencies for employment as farm-workers.
In this way many hundred Polish agricultural workers can be placed at the disposal of agriculture in the Old Reich in the shortest and simplest manner. This way the most pressing shortage is removed that is now in a very disagreeable manner felt especially in the root-crop districts.
Besides, the settlers who are still working in the confiscated and formerly settled enterprises and who are superfluous are to be removed into the Old Reich, for until now they were only a burden for the respective enterprise if they are too numerous. In this way, Polish agricultural workers can be made free for the Old Reich.
The confiscations of small enterprises already achieved together with the following transfer of the farmer owners as agricultural workers to the larger estates already in operation have not only brought experience but have proved unequivocally that no difficulties are to be expected. The measures themselves are only a matter of organization, and the success of the measures as proposed by me is based on the good will of cooperation of the other authorities with the office of the Reich Fuehrer-SS as Reich Commissioner for the strengthening of German folkdom.
Means of transportation to the railroad can be provided
1. by the enterprises of the Aast-German Corporation of Agricultural Development
2. by the SS NCO school in Lublinitz and the Concentration Camp of Auschwitz. These two latter places will also detail the necessary SS-men for the day of the confiscation etc. In case that a place of assembly is necessary for the Polish land-workers who are to be transported into the Reich, for there too sufficient rooms and lodgings can be provided (Kaminiek, Zator Castle, barracks in Auschwitz).
I have already reported on the accomplishment of confiscations in Bielitz county and initiated the necessary measures.
For the purpose of accomplishing further measures proposed is by me which envision particularly the supplying of the farms in the Reich with Polish agricultural workers, ask that I be given your consent and the necessary full authority.
16 May 1940.
Report on the accomplishment of confiscations of agricultural enterprises in Blachownia County.
With the scope of responsibility of the Higher SS and Police leaders as the deputy of the Reichs Commissar for the strengthening of German nationality, Land officer Silesia, a survey was made in Blachownia County since the beginning of April as to how far confiscations of agricultural enterprises in Polish ownership could be accomplished.
Before the outbreak of the war the present county of Blachownia was a part of Czestachowa County (before 1941 this territory belonged to Russian Poland). Only recently, it was decided to incorporate the present county area of Blachownia County into the district of Oppeln. Blachownia is a rather big market-place which in Polish times was even called a Spa.
As the necessary preparations can be considered closed in the following a short survey on the general conditions shall be given as far as they are at present of interest and importance.
At first, contact was made by the Chief of the local agency of the Land Office in Lublinitz, with the local authorities of the Party, the State such as the East German Corporation for Agricultural Development and the Secret State Police, and after a thorough exposition of the aims of the Land Office, excellent state of agreement was reached. Before this the Land Office of Kattowitz had discussions in the same direction regarding the Blachownia County with the higher authorities of the Party and the State District Governor [Regierungspresident], Provincial Governor [Oberpresident], Gauleitung.
The chief of the local agency at Lublinitz had found out that a number of villages exist in Blachownia County the inhabitants of which belong for the greatest part to the German nationality and that particularly in recent years the Polish nationality strongly penetrated into these small ethnic German islands.
Blachownia County comprises about 133000 inhabitants. Of these, 2000 can be considered without further ado as ethnic Germans. The number of Jews is estimated at 6000. 260 village are combined in 15 greater communities. In 3 of such greater communities to which also the German villages belong, racial German mayors are in office.
1. The greater community Lipie: Mayor Mueller, comprising the racial-German villages of Haukow, Lindow, Natalin and Rosalin,
2. The greater community Scharny-Las: Mayor Lorenz. comprising the racial-German villages of Schwarzwald,
3. The greater community Wrozosowa: Mayor Neugebauer, comprising the racial-German village of Alt-Hutau.
The rest of the communities are Polish throughout and have still an almost pure Polish administration.
To 1. In greater Lipie 20 of the 23 villages are destroyed up to 80%. The ethnic-German families are living in the most primitive conditions, closely compressed into the few dwelling-houses still remaining or into other poorly prepared shelters consisting of destroyed houses even in holes in the ground. The German villages mentioned were founded about 80 years ago by Germans who came mostly from Middle-Silesia (Strehlen, district of Breslau). By hard work they have cleared the woods and created farms.
To 2. The Germans of this village immigrated about 100 years ago from the region of Frankfort on Main and have built up by their own work their economic basis of life.
To 3. In Alt-Hutau, it is a question above all, of Sudeten German-weavers, who immigrated in 1812 from Maehrisch-Truebau. Because of shortage of raw materials for several months the looms have been idle, so that, on account of the cessation of this so necessary opportunity for additional income, the economic situation of these ethnic-Germans is endangered.
In course of time, of course, the Poles also have intruded into these German settlements with the purpose at first to weaken Germanism in its economic existence and finally to drive it out. The agricultural enterprises of the racial-Germans have sizes from 1 1/2 to 5 hectares. In all probability the enterprises have become so small due to partitioning and above all to economic pressure from the former Polish masters.
By the quick advance of the German troops a terrible massacre of the ethnic Germans by the Poles of the Polish soldiery has been prevented. Before the outbreak of the war, the Poles in these German settlements behaved very aggressively against the German nationality and everything was made ready for its destruction during the disorders of war. Even if at the present moment the Poles have become a little more quiet it appears that it concerns only outward appearances. Therefore, it is absolutely necessary to bring about a strengthening of the German nationality in the small far advanced German linguistic islands. These ethnic-Germans make the best impressions. For whole decades they have not abandoned their German national culture despite terror and so on, but have confessed firmly and resolutely. Thus for example, the present Mayor Mueller of Natalin has given to German children during the Polish times lessons in reading and writing on Saturday and Sunday because a school for the German minority did not exist. The ethnic-Germans and above all the youth know the German language not only orally but even by the written word.
In order to break down the Polish nationality most quickly in the German villages, the Polish agricultural enterprises were confiscated. Therewith it has to be remarked further that also Polish enterprises were destroyed by warfare and the Poles too are partly in a situation which gives grounds for fear in so far that theft of German property and other encroachments on the part of the Poles may occur. The confiscation was done in accordance with the directives of Reich Fuehrer-SS as Reich Commissioner for the strengthening of German nationality, on 9 May in the villages of Natalin and Rosalin. As the Polish enterprises were from 2 to about 8 hectares in size and the arable land and the farm-buildings are dispersed within the area. The County agronomist [Kreislandwirt] of the East-German Agricultural Development Corporation thought that a centralized management of the confiscated farms by appointment of a manager was impractical. He resolved therefore to give the arable land, livestock and other property to the trusteeship of needy racial-Germans. The agronomist who was present at the performance of the confiscation accomplished this at once on the spot. However he thought it necessary to take the former Polish owners as farm-workers to an estate in Blachownia County which is also managed by the East-German Agricultural Development Corporation, in order to enable the racial-Germans installed to run the Polish enterprises without friction. Today in fact farm-workers are lacking here, for the former workers were Jews and are useless for such work and moreover, they would endanger an orderly management. However, if the Poles would remain on their former farms the danger of the worst sort of sabotage to the agricultural property now at the disposal of the German Reich would exist. The Poles are paid for their work. The execution of the confiscation as well as the transfer of the Polish farm-workers to the estate of the East-German Corporation for Agriculture Management was accomplished quite quietly and without friction.
In the same way as it was done until now the break-up of Polish Nationality will be shortly accomplished in the other racial-German villages as well.
Because of the extremely good cooperation with the authorities, the party offices and the East German Corporation for Agricultural Development, and above all with the Secret State Police the confiscations etc. will be accomplished absolutely without friction in the future, as well especially as preparations of greatest minuteness will secure the success from the outset.
Before the end of June the soil in the ethnic-German villages of Blachownia County will be taken entirely from Polish hands and be confiscated for the German Reich at the disposal of Reich Fuehrer-SS as Reich Commissioner for the strengthening of German Nationality.
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Castle Krakow 25 January 1940
Minister President Field Marshal Goering Deputy for the Four-Year Plan
The Commissioner General for the Generalgouvernement Poland
I To the Director of the Service Agency for the Four-Year Plan Major General Buehrmann or representative in Krakow Lenartovicza 13
For the execution of the task of systematically placing the economic strength of the Generalgouvernement, within the framework of the Four-Year Plan, in the service of the German defense industry, I give the following Directives
1. In view of the present requirements of the Reich for the defense industry, it is at present fundamentally impossible to carry on a long-term economic policy in the Generalgouvernement. Rather, it is necessary so to steer the economy of the Generalgouvernement that it will, in the shortest possible time, accomplish results representing the maximum that can be gotten out of the economic strength of the Generalgouvernement for the immediate strengthening of our capacity for defense.
2. In particular the following performances are expected of the total economy of the Generalgouvernement:
a. Intensification of agricultural production esp. in the larger farms (above 100 ha.) and a planned distribution of the foodstuffs to be requisitioned in order to fill the requirements of the troops, units, and service agencies as well as of the native population, which are not yet fully covered by the present production.
b. Fullest exploitation of the forests, in temporary disregard of forest conservation principles, so as to deliver to the Reich approx. 1 million fm sawmill lumber, 1.2 million fm of mine timbers and up to 0.4 million rm of fiber wood.
c. Stepping-up of the raw material production in the industrial sector, in particular: in the extraction of iron ores and pyrites in order to cover the local needs of the smelting plants operated in the Generalgouvernement; in petroleum extraction; in order to cover the militarily
most important requirements of the Generalgouvernement and to export the greatest possible quantities to the Reich; in the chemical industry (nitrogen, phosphate) to provide for the fertilizer requirements of agriculture in so far as they can be covered in the Generalgouvernement;
d. Exploitation, if necessary also partial expansion, of the industrial capacity existing in the Generalgouvernement, in order to execute as rapidly as possible the Wehrmacht orders to be placed by the Reich in the Generalgouvernement while maintaining production of those products which are absolutely vital for the running of the economic machinery in the Generalgouvernement even if the strictest standards are applied;
e. Maintenance of the productive capacity of those plants to which Wehrmacht order.s have not yet been assigned but which are chosen as replacement plants for militarily vital factories which have been or will be evacuated in the Reich;
f. Stripping and scrapping of those plants which have neither been made into armament plants nor declared to be replacement plants, as well as of destroyed buildings;
g. Supply and transportation of at least 1 million male and female agricultural and industrial workers to the Reichamong them at least 7.5 million [sic] agricultural workers of which at least 50% must be women-in order to guarantee agricultural production in the Reich and as a replacement for industrial workers lacking in the Reich.
3. In order to attain the expected performances, provision is to be made:
a. that the organizational measures for increasing agricultural production and for the building up of the live stock, extraordinarily depleted by the war, are implemented by the insurance of the seed and fertilizer supply -- if necessary by imports from the Reich; by sufficient supplies of agricultural machinery from local production in the Generalgouvernement; by a planned development of the water economy which should be simultaneously designed for the requirements of the waterways and of the power supply;
b. that all uneconomic consumption of wood be avoided and that the shipment of the quantities to be delivered to the Reich is insured;
c. that within the framework of the stepping-up of the industrial raw material production the following are guaranteed: financing through the most extensive possible utilization of the credit system existing in the Generalgouvernement; procurement of the necessary mining and drilling equipment, the supplying of the workers with the food and articles of clothing absolutely essential for the maintenance of their full efficiency; the shipment, especially of mineral oil, to the Reich;
d. that in engaging the industrial capacity of the Generalgouvernement with armament orders from the Reich the following be coordinated:
nature and volume of the orders
location and capacity of the plants
raw material requirements and coverage the latter as far as possible out of raw material stocks existing in the Generalgouvernement
requirements and provisioning of workers means of transport for delivery of materials and dispatch of finished products;
pre-financing of wages in the Generalgouvernement and transfer of the proceeds from the Reich;
e. that exact investigations be made in order to determine the plants which are either required for filling the armament orders or continue to work for the supplying of the Generalgouvernement with absolutely vital goods, or are being maintained as replacement plants, or are to be stripped and scrapped; and that the putting into operation or continued operation of the plants be uniformly regulated and made subject to permit;
f. that in order to insure the necessary supply of Polish workers in the Reich the labor offices harmonize the recruiting with the labor requirements in the Generalgouvernement; that the shipment will take place early enough to be completed in the course of April; that the transfer of savings of these workers be regulated who came to the Reich merely as migratory workers.
4. For the uniform orientation of the total economy of the Generalgouvernement towards the tasks now to be accomplished the following additional measures are to be taken:
a. In the food supply of the population it must under all circumstances be seen to it that the persons working in plants vital to life and armaments will maintain their efficiency while the rest of the population will have to remain restricted to a minimum ration as long as the food shortage lasts.
b. Any production which, on the basis of raw materials important for armament, is directed towards objects which in the framework of the present plan are not vital, is to be ruthlessly discontinued in so far as it will not be possible to switch it over to sufficiently abundant Ersatz materials and other material. (e.g. by producing wooden shoes while simultaneously prohibiting the production of leather shoes and boots for the native population). For the rest, all raw material saving decrees prohibitions of production and shipment and orders valid in the Reich are to be carried through in the Generalgouvernement at least to the same degree as is done in the Reich.
c. The shipment of raw materials to the Reich is to be limited to those amounts not absolutely needed in the Generalgouvernement to guarantee-militarily vital production. The right of disposing of the stocks of raw materials, half-finished and finished goods in the Generalgouvernement is reserved to your service agency. For the better regulation of supply small amounts of valuable raw materials will be brought into collection depots from scrapped plants and from smaller depots.
d. The supplying of militarily vital plants with coal and the filling of the most urgent coal requirements of the population are to be guaranteed by agreements with the proper Reich agencies.
e. The collection of leather and old material [Erfassung] and the gathering of scrap are to be pushed forward according to plan. In view of the especial conditions in the Generalgouvernement, Jewish dealers who can be freed for this purpose from forced service etc., may also be engaged.
f. A transport plan will be drawn up in agreement with the transportation authorities with the object of bringing transport desires into line with transport possibilities and to arrive at priority scale which will then be made the basis of all further planning.
g. Price and wage regulations, currency protection and credit policy will be harmonized in closest accord between the agencies concerned with the object of creating stable conditions as an indispensable prerequisite for any economic planning.
h. In order to gain a conception of the presumable shape of the payment transactions between the Reich and the Generalgouvernement, a payment balance sheet is to be drawn up as soon as it is possible to see to what extent armament orders from the Reich can be filled in the Generalgouvernement.
5. I reserve the right to issue further basic instructions.
Copy of the present is being sent to the subordinate service agencies as well as to the Commander in Chief East, the Chief of the Armament Inspectorate Upper-East, the Military
Commander in Krakow and the Bank Director of the Emission Bank in Poland with the request that the service agency for the Four-Year Plan be supported in every possible way in the execution of its tasks.
(signed) Dr. Frank
Ministerialkanzleiobersekretaer als Kanzleivorsteher